What’s In A Surname?

In most cultures, surnames are affixed to a given first name, typically in a patrilineal manner, to reflect a person’s geographical, occupational, caste and/or religious identity. Generally, people hold their surnames in great pride and esteem, often coming up in arms with one another when the prestige of their surname is perceivably challenged.

My surname, too, has a story behind its inception – a story that dates back over five centuries and one that can be described in pages on end. ‘Bishnoi’ is derived from two Hindi words, ‘bees’ (or twenty) and ‘nau’ (or nine) to reflect the 29 commandments or precepts that form the nucleus of our philosophy.

The Purpose Of This Article

I chose to write this article for two reasons.

Firstly, this article traces my personal journey with my philosophical and spiritual origins. The world is becoming increasingly homogenised, which has its merits and demerits, but I believe that one should be deeply aware of one’s roots to truly progress both spiritually and materially.

Secondly, I believe that the world ought to know more about a community that has been practising peaceful coexistence with nature for more than 500 years. Many of these principles are more relevant today than ever before.

The views expressed in this article are personal, and reflect my interpretation of the Bishnoi philosophy. In no measure do these views bind other people who subscribe to this belief system. In fact, these views are not stagnant, but are likely to evolve over time as I learn more about the Bishnoi philosophy as well as the world around me. The debate on whether or not faith should be a private matter is an enduring and unresolved one. My personal view is that faith should neither be a force of public coercion nor an instrument of personal convenience. Rather, faith should be a means to peace, harmony, and growth – both internal and external.

Bishnoi – Origin And Context

The Bishnoi philosophy was founded by Guru Jambheshwar (a contemporary of the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak) in the modern-day Barmer district of Rajasthan in the early 16th century. It is believed that he was born into a Rajput (warrior class) family in Pipasar village (now in Jodhpur district) in 1451 CE. He spent most of his youth as a cow-herder. Otherwise an introvert, Guru Jambheshwar would easily find ways to communicate with plants and animals. In his late 20s, he left home in search for answers to profound questions that troubled him.

The 15th century marked the start of the ‘Age of Discovery’, during which Europeans explored previously uncharted territories. This included Christopher Columbus’ trans-Atlantic voyages and the discovery of the Americas, as well as the Portuguese discoveries of the archipelagos of Madeira and Azores, the coast of Africa, and the discovery of the sea route along the Cape of Good Hope to India in 1498. Although these explorations led to a new worldview, knowledge-transfer, and led to distant civilisations coming into contact, they were also marked by enslavement, exploitation, military conquest, missionary activity, and economic dominance by Europe and its colonies over the native populations.

While the Portuguese invaded India through Kannur, Kerala, the Lodi dynasty had already established its stronghold in northern India, having succeeded the Sayyid dynasty in 1451. This was followed by Babur’s invasion of India in the early 16th century, marking the onset of more than three centuries of the Mughal empire in India. Invariably, religious conversions took place in India during this time, largely from Hinduism to Islam or Christianity. Economically, India flourished during the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 AD), with vast social and economic networks spanning large parts of Afro-Eurasia, leading to the circulation of goods, services, technologies, people, and ideas. Both in terms of agricultural production of food and cash crops, and the manufacturing of textiles, shipbuilding, and steel, India was one of the world’s largest economies back then. However, economic prosperity came at the cost of resource-exploitation and environmental degradation, as India’s vast biodiversity was threatened for personal gains. For instance, there was a 10-year drought in Rajasthan in the late 15th century that caused significant destruction of land, and animal and human life.

In light of these imperial conquests, religious conversions, and economic excesses, Guru Jambheshwar set out to seek answers. At the age of 34, as Guru Jambheshwar sat on the sand dunes of Samrathal in the Thar desert of Rajasthan, he attained enlightenment. He produced 120 verses or Shabad in a Shabadvani, and laid down 29 founding principles. For the next 50 years or so, Guru Jambheshwar is said to have travelled not only the vast expanse of modern-day India, but also to other countries such as Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Iran, and Saudi Arabia. People who embraced Guru Jambheshwar’s wisdom took on the surname ‘Bishnoi’.

‘Bishnoi’ is neither a caste nor an organised religion; it is a philosophy that emphasises the protection of plant and animal life, and encourages its adherents to chart out their own spiritual journey. In fact, Guru Jambheshwar denounced the caste system as a means of social stratification as it proved to be a dividing rather than unifying force. People from various castes gave up their previous surnames and caste identities once they subscribed to the Bishnoi philosophy. ‘Bishnoi’ is not an organised religion either.

Today, there are approximately a million Bishnois, living mostly in the rural parts of northern India. There have been no missionaries to aggressively induct more people into the community; anyone who is inspired by the Bishnoi doctrine voluntarily takes on the surname through a simple initiation. Hundreds of years before ‘environmentalism’ and ‘climate change’ entered public discourse, a small community in Rajasthan had already begun eulogising our divine connect with nature.

The 29 Commandments

Guru Jambheshwar’s path for a desirable way of life has been preserved and passed on from one generation to the next for more than five hundred years. Often, however, as with most other philosophical or spiritual schools, people give precedence to the implementation or ritualisation of an idea or philosophy over the logic, principle or rationale behind it. In my opinion, it is more important to embrace the ideological bases of a belief system than to blindly follow ceremonial practices, because manifestations of spiritual or philosophical thought evolve over time whereas their rationale stands the test of time.

In this section, I have grouped the 29 commandments in the Bishnoi philosophy under four themes – personal health and hygiene, spirituality and faith, ethical conduct, and environmentalism. Although some principles overlap across themes, this grouping has been used for clarity and brevity. The two ideas that bind all 29 commandments are faith in God and peaceful coexistence with all living beings.

Personal Health And Hygiene

1. तीस दिन सूतक (ensure 30-day quarantine for a mother and her new-born)
2. पांच ऋतुवन्ती न्यारो (rest for 5 days during menstruation)
3. सेरो करो स्नान (shower in the morning daily)
8. जल व दूध छानकर पियो (consume filtered water and milk)
9. ईंधन का बीनकर उपयोग करो (use clean fuel)
21. करै रसोई हाथ सूं (partake of pure, clean food)

The Bishnoi philosophy places significant importance on maintaining external and internal purity. Externally, keeping our bodies clean helps prevent illnesses, infections, and bad odours. Internally, eliminating impurities of the mind allows us to be free from ignorance and see and seek the whole and unprejudiced truth. External and internal purity together empower us to perform our duties and responsibilities towards us and others in effective and meaningful ways.

Today, we have greater control over internal purity through meditation, introspection, perseverance, and self-discipline. However, external conditions such as environmental pollution, that contaminate the air we breathe, food we eat, and the water we drink inhibit our ability to preserve our physical health and hygiene. In this context, the Bishnoi philosophy calls upon its followers to take conscious measures to maintain personal health and hygiene, including bathing daily before offering morning prayers, and consuming clean food, water, and fuel. In the modern day, while it is encouraging to observe the growing value of organic farming and sustainable living, it is equally disturbing that millions of children are dying of preventable water- and air-borne diseases globally.

The health and well-being of the mother and her new-born child is also discussed in the Bishnoi philosophy – in that it is imperative to keep them away from potential diseases, especially during the initial vulnerable days of child birth. There is a scientific explanation for this. Not only are newborns and their immune systems especially susceptible to germs, the incidence of illness also takes a much higher toll on their bodies. Other factors such as exposure to sun, air quality, and temperature control need to also be considered for the baby. The mother, too, needs adequate rest time to rebalance her hormones and return to normal bodily functions. Whether or not quarantine is observed for 30 days (given differences in technology and maternal leave practices across cultures), sound health and hygiene for a mother and her child need to be safeguarded.

The Bishnoi philosophy also encourages rest for women during menstruation. Ayurveda also supports this idea in that as the body is cleansed during a woman’s period, the body is required to balance the three biological energies or doshas found in the body – Vata (Air), Pitta (Fire), and Kapha (Water). Exertion can lead to imbalances in these energies and adversely affect a woman’s reproductive health. Although it may not be practical for women to rest for five days every month, and some modern day health professionals may suggest certain physical exercises during menstruation (due to the release of endorphins in the body), both women and men must be conscious of the fact that women may need extra care and attention during her periods.

Spirituality And Faith

5. द्विकाल सन्ध्या करो (meditate at dawn and dusk)
6. सांझ आरती गुण गावो (thank God as night falls)
7. प्रातःकाल हवन करो (offer prayers to the Holy Fire)
16. अमावस्या व्रत राखणों (fast or abstain from eating food during Amavasya)
17. भजन विष्णु बतायो जोय (recite the name of Almighty Vishnu daily)

The Bishnoi philosophy puts faith in God at its core. It is believed that Guru Jambheshwar was influenced by Saint Kabir’s iconoclasm, that is, he rejected the centrality of rituals among both Hindus and Muslims. Although Bishnois identify as a Hindu sect, their teachings and practices incorporate elements of other religious traditions. For instance, Bishnois do not practice idol worship – in no Bishnoi temple will you find an idol of any incarnation of God. In fact, Bishnois pray to a Holy Fire, akin to the Zoroastrian concept of Atar. Furthermore, contrary to the conventional Hindu practice, Bishnois bury their dead, as do Abrahamic religious traditions, as an act of reverence toward the deceased.

Bishnois are monotheistic in their faith. Guru Jambheshwar professes that there is only one Divine Power, which is an abstract principle of truth and connects all living beings. Different religious traditions refer to the Divine with a myriad of names. Since the Bishnoi philosophy emerged in a largely Hindu society, Bishnois refer to God as Vishnu, and pray as a means to feel God’s presence, be grateful, and access the realm of limitless consciousness.

Today, several cultures continue to venerate Guru Jambheshwar. For instance, Muslims in the Malerkota town of Punjab continue to uphold the precepts of the Bishnoi philosophy. Kings who were influenced by Jambhoji included Sikandar Lodi of Delhi, Mohammed Khan Nagauri of Nagaur, Rao Santal of Jodhpur, Rao Bikaji of Bikaner, Rawal Jait Singh of Jaisalmer, Rao Doodaji of Merta, and Raṇa Sanga of Mewar.

In line with conventional Hindu wisdom, Bishnois fast or abstain from eating food during amavasya (or no moon) every month. It is believed that the absence of moon in the sky has a profound effect on the human body – and therefore, fasting during this time normalises the acid content in the blood, and offers other physiological and spiritual benefits.

Guru Jambheshwar asks his followers to not only thank God for the gift of life but also to meditate daily. He says that it is best to meditate during sandhya (in Sanskrit, ‘san’ means ‘good’, and ‘dhya’ means ‘to meditate’) or dawn and dusk, because these occur at the confluence of day and night, and at the height of human consciousness and nature. To my limited understanding, being a person of faith is also being someone who accepts and seeks to connect with a Divine Energy. Spirituality, for me, is a personal search for balance between the mind, body and soul. In the Bishnoi philosophy, both are equally important.

Ethical Conduct

4. शील, संतोष, शुचि प्यारो (practise modesty, contentment, and virtue)
10. क्षमा सहनशीलता रखो (be forgiving in nature)
11. दया-नम्र भाव से रहो (be empathetic in nature)
12. चोरी नहीं करो (do not steal)
13. निंदा नहीं करो (do not condemn)
14. सच बोलो (speak the truth)
15. व्यर्थ का वाद-विवाद नहीं करो (do not indulge in fruitless argument)
20. अजर को जरो (overcome the sins of ego, lust, rage, greed, & attachment)
24. अमल नहीं खाओ (do not use opium or its products)
25. तम्बाकू नहीं खाओ (do not consume tobacco or its products)
26. भांग नहीं पियो (do not partake of cannabis or its products)
27. मद्यपान नहीं करो (do not drink alcohol)

The Bishnoi doctrine lays down certain ethical codes that are largely universal across belief systems. These include being modest, content, virtuous, forgiving, empathetic, honest, and so on. It also asks its adherents to overcome the five sins of ego, lust, rage, greed, and attachment – all of which give illusory temporary satisfaction and deviate from the path of God.

Guru Jambheshwar was particularly troubled by the struggles over political power between Hindus and Muslims, and sought ways not only to reconcile them but also to put before them notions of a heightened moral sensibility. Jambhoji also urged his disciples to abstain from consuming substances that are physically harmful and hinder control over one’s senses.

Environmentalism

18. जीव दया पालणी (be compassionate toward all living beings)
19. हरे वृक्ष नहीं काटो (do not fell trees)
22. अमर रखावै थाट (provide shelter to goat and sheep)
23. बैल बधिया न करवौ (refrain from castrating bulls)
28. मांस नहीं खाना (do not eat meat)
29. नीले वस्त्र नहीं धारण करना (avoid wearing blue clothes)

Bishnois have a strong sense of kinship with animal and plant life. They protect flora and fauna with fervent zeal, and have often sacrificed their lives for the protection of biodiversity. The ‘Chipko movement’ of September 1730 is known to many, in which 363 women, children, and men – led by Amrita Devi – were hacked to death by the soldiers of Maharaja Abhay Singh of Jodhpur, Rajasthan, who ordered the Khejiri trees in the region to be felled to build his new palace. Amrita Devi embraced a tree and said “sir santhe rooke rahe to bhi sasto jaan”, which means, “if a tree is saved from felling at the cost of one’s head, it should be considered a good deed.” She was decapitated in front of her two daughters who stoically followed her example, clinging to the trees and meeting the same end. People flocked from the village and hundreds died before the king stopped his men and ordered a decree forever protecting Bishnoi land from the activities of hunting and deforestation.

Other examples of Bishnois who have laid down their lives against the felling of trees and the poaching of endangered gazelles, blackbucks, and chinkaras, include Karma, Gora, Khivani, Motaji, Netu, and Buchoji, who died in the 17th century (against the cutting of trees); Chunaram (1939) in Jodhpur district, Chimnaram, Pratapram, Dhonkalram (1947) in Barmer and Nagaur districts (who sacrificed their lives to protect gazelles from poachers); Nihalchand (1996) and Chhailluram Singh Rajput (2004) (who died trying to save blackbucks) – to name just a few.

Bishnois are vegetarians, because they believe that all living beings have an equal right to life. In fact, Bishnoi temples serve as rescue shelters for injured animals, and no wood is burnt for fuel or prayer unless it is free of all insects. The Bishnoi philosophy strongly condemns animal sacrifice; instead, the self is often sacrificed for the protection of animals and plants. The number of blackbucks and chinkaras in Bishnoi villages is more than those in all sanctuaries in India put together.

Most Bishnois live in rural areas, are illiterate, and unfamiliar with terms such as ‘global warming’, ‘climate change’, and ‘biodiversity’, but they have been protecting the environment for more than five centuries. The 29th commandment against wearing the colour blue was informed by the use of blue dye that was extracted from the indigo plant, which was already scarce at the time.

It is neither necessary nor sufficient to be a Bishnoi to be a good human being, but following the 29 commandments of the Bishnoi philosophy is likely to lead to a desirable life. Needless to say, I am proud to be a son of a Bishnoi.

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Photo Credit: Franck Vogel

The post The 29 Commandments That Define The Bishnois – India’s First Environmentalists appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

A black week for our venerated democratic institutions got a tad darker on Friday (April 20). In a whirlwind 5 days, we have witnessed acquittals of murder convicts, votives of militant hate and architects of massacre. With the second ever impeachment motion against a Supreme Court Judge, no less the Chief Justice himself, the country stands at a precipice, an edge to an abyssal fall.

Mecca Masjid Verdict

The week of criminal acquittal started with a special National Investigation Agency (NIA) court quashing the charges of plotting and perpetrating the bomb blast at Mecca Masjid against prime accused Swami Aseemanand and four others. On May 18, 2007, nine people were killed and 58 injured in a bomb blast at the Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad on the occasion of Friday prayers. The NIA did not state whether it would appeal against the acquittal. Judge Ravinder Reddy of the special NIA court resigned immediately after giving the verdict (even though he resumed work on Friday). The Hyderabad court verdict in the 11-year-old case acquitted all five accused. It includes the head of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram – Swami Aseemanand or Naba Kumar Sarkar, RSS pracharak Devendra Gupta, RSS functionary Lokesh Sharma, Bharath Mohanlal Rateshwar, member of Hindu Vichar Manch, and a farmer, Rajendra Chowdary.

NIA had come under the scanner when it didn’t even appeal against bail that was given to the accused within 90 days. As per Times of India reports, NIA is reluctant to appeal against the verdict owing to a dearth of material evidence. Relying on confessions, which were easily invalidated by ‘obtainment under duress’ charge, the case lost its evidentiary vignettes. Out of 304 witnesses, 78 were disqualified on the basis of being formal witnesses. 66 out of the remaining 226 turned hostile and revoked their support for prosecution. The ruling was a blow to the relatives of the victims. Their despondency has led to graver concerns regarding the faith in the judiciary which seems to be edging closer to exhaustion. Even the opposition, especially Congress has failed to pick up the ante and claim the cause of victims and put the ruling party under scrutiny. What they have been able to muster are few odd comments from the likes of Randeep Surjewala and  Ghulam Nabi Azad.

Justice Loya Case

Then on Thursday, a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court dismissed petitions seeking an investigation into the 2014 death of Judge Brijgopal Harkishan Loya. At the time, he was presiding over a case against Amit Shah, president of BJP in which he had been accused in extrajudicial killings especially the Sohrabuddin fake encounter case in 2005 while serving as home minister of Gujarat. Shah was exonerated by Judge Loya’s replacement. He concluded there was no case against the BJP president. According to The Caravan, Judge Mohit Shah, a former Chief Justice of Bombay High Court had allegedly offered a 100 crore bribe to Judge Loya and he was under severe mental pressure to succumb to such inveigling. The discrepancies in the account of Judge Loya’s death and post-mortem, also brought to light by The Caravan, had led to the review of the circumstances surrounding his death.

Maya Kodnani’s Conviction For Gujarat Riots

On Friday, the Gujarat High Court made a volte-face and dismissed the conviction of Maya Kodnani, former BJP state minister for her complicity in the bloodletting of Gujarat riots, one of the worst communal riots in independent India’s history. The paucity of consistency in witness testimonies was given as the underpinning reason for the capsizing of her conviction. Maya Kodnani was acquitted on Friday even when the case had eyewitness testimonies of her adjuring the crowd, disbursing swords and upbraiding communal hate. In 2012, a trial court held Kodnani and 31 others guilty in the massacre at Naroda Patiya and sentenced her to 27 years in prison. She has been out on bail since 2014 for health reasons. During the Gujarat riots of 2002, almost 2,500 people, most of them Muslims, were killed. The pogrom was perpetrated allegedly to avenge 59 lives lost in the Godhra train carnage which left a trail teeming with charred bodies of Hindu pilgrims. Narendra Modi was the incumbent Chief Minister of Gujarat and was given a controversial clean chit by a special investigation team.

Attempt To Impeach CJI

On Friday (April 20) itself, 7 opposition parties and 71 members (7 retired now) of the upper house of Parliament i.e. Rajya Sabha, launched an unprecedented bid to impeach the Chief Justice India (CJI), Dipak Misra. Congress Party, the Communist Party of India, Samajwadi Party and four other parties foisted accusations of misbehaviour amounting to failure to protect the independence of the judiciary from executive meddling and other four charges. Among them is a scathing indictment that CJI wields his power arbitrarily to allot sensitive cases and foul acquisition of land.

Importantly, a Supreme Court judge can be removed for misbehaviour or incapacity only by an order of the President after winning a special majority in both houses of parliament i.e. obtaining at least two-thirds of votes from the house’s total membership.

In January, four judges of the Supreme Court held a press conference and publicly excoriated the CJI for his rostering of cases and judicial appointments. One of such cases was the Judge Loya case. They presaged Supreme Court’s administrational mismanagement and invoked a sense of impending chaos while taking the unprecedented move of washing Court’s dirty linen in public. CPM had first floated the idea of impeachment in January itself.

Misra is expected to superannuate this October when he turns 65, having joined office last August. Misra has largely opted for silence amidst such barrage of hostilities and accusations. However, as the lead of a three-member bench, he eluded to the fact that CJI is the highest authority and he cannot be distrusted. Interestingly, the four judicial officers claiming that Judge Loya’s death was natural cannot be questioned either. It paints a rather unimpeachable Gospel purity to the sacrosanct position of Judges.

The Politics Behind The Judiciary

Politically, there seems to be tedium vitae in Congress’s grand old tenets of secularism and protection of minority interests in a tyrannical storm of majoritarian muscle flexing. Comments like “BJP succeeded in wrongly convincing people that the Congress was a Muslim party,” by UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi set the bar for democratic debate to an all-time low. There seems to be an ideological shift. It seems there is a strategy of selective punches aiming to transmogrify the party image with a softer tint of saffron.

Ideologically, if Congress severs its age-old links to centre-left ethos, leaving it unhinged and unanchored to its history there would leave its future shrouded in doubt. Its reaction or lack thereof to the Mecca Masjid blast verdict, Kodnani verdict or Judge Loya verdict may spell more trouble in the UPA Elysium. Taking BJP at its own game may very well leave the party with a humbling knockout in political pugilism.

With the erosion of trust in the custodian of our fundamental rights as citizens, we are trudging toward our own Dark Age riddled with political corruption, cindered innocence and celebrated butchery of justice. The sequence of these events has engendered volatile conspiracy theories. The speculation has further eroded the sanctity of absolute incorruptibility of the highest echelons of Justice. Our democracy needs a redoubtable and independent judiciary staying true to the basic structure of our hallowed Constitution. No individual, not even the heads of legislature, executive or judiciary can be accorded the veil of invincibility over the supremacy of our Constitutional goals and protections. As Lord Atkins adjured, “Justice is not a cloistered virtue and must suffer the scrutiny and respectful, even if outspoken comments of ordinary people,” inexorably when if it disturbs the privileged socio-political inertia.

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After months of piqued anticipation, the 19th film of the Marvel Cinematic Universe has finally hit the screens, and this time it’s bigger than ever. The third instalment of the Avengers movies, “Avengers: Infinity War” has created heaps of excitement among the audience, ever since its larger-than-life, mind-boggling trailer released online. Such an uproarious response on the film’s release was quite expected. And, does Marvel Studios deliver? Better than ever. The Russo Brothers have given the viewers 2 hours and 40 minutes of a tightly scripted, action-packed and spine-chilling rollercoaster ride.

A host of characters are introduced one after the other, until the entire crew of the mightiest heroes on Earth, now merged with the Guardians of the Galaxy, face off against the children of Thanos, in a full-blown war in Wakanda. It is quite prudent to mention that someone who is a complete layman when it comes to the MCU, better opt to watch the film only after watching at least the two previous Avengers films as well as “Captain America: Civil War”. Iron Man, Doctor Strange, Spiderman, Thor, Captain America, Black Widow, Black Panther, War Machine, Falcon, Scarlet Witch, Vision and Hulk are the Avengers present in this instalment, with the exception of Ant-Man and Hawkeye, both of whom are shown to be under house arrest after the incidents of Captain America: Civil War. 

Thanos is the mightiest villain the Avengers have ever faced, and he is after the six infinity stones, in order to complete his gauntlet and wreak havoc over the entire universe, by snapping his fingers. The Avengers assemble to prevent him from doing so. This is the overarching plotline of the film, but the Russo Brothers have punctuated it with so many eclectic elements of emotion, fear, rekindled friendships, loss, doubt and sadness, that the film has become a potpourri of edge-of-the-seat thrills and never lets the audience breathe a sigh of relief.

Some individual character arcs and relationships are also finely cultivated, to the extent of giving the audience a sense of intimacy amidst the wreckage. Scenes with the Guardians often provide the audience with some much-needed comic relief. There are conflicts, tensions, momentary resolutions, but somehow the Avengers always fall of short of the needful. Even then, they are still prepared to go the extra mile to prevent Thanos from executing his ominous and perverse plans.

Josh Brolin’s Thanos, the great villain, is depicted as a mixed bag of utterly humane feelings. He is loving, vulnerable as well as amoral at the same time, and by the end, the audience is in doldrums as to what Thanos actually did, or did not do. It seems only Doctor Strange was the only omniscient Avenger who knew whatever was happening throughout and is seen to mould his actions accordingly. However, Strange’s actions leave the audience badly searching for answers. A question which keeps plaguing the thinking person is that, are the Avengers really the good people? Vigilantism of advanced humans, against the interests of the State, comes with hefty prices.

The ending of this insane yet evocative sojourn through the highs and lows of the mightiest heroes on Earth, completely makes the beholder blank. The entire film appears to be reduced to a mere teaser of something much much bigger which is about to come. As is Marvel’s signature, the film does give the audience a tip-off during the end credits, but this time, not of the next film (Ant-Man and The Wasp both have dedicated films coming up next), but of perhaps the next big thing in the Marvel Cinematic Universe.

Paul Bettany’s Vision and Benedict Cumberbatch’s Doctor Strange, become important cogs in the wheel of the entire quest since they are the Avengers who possess the Mind and Time stones respectively. CGI and VFX of cosmic brilliance, used to depict the battle to shield the universe against Thanos’s overtures, tremendous fuss and fanfare over the superheroes, some sporting a changed look, some getting introduced to others for the first time, maintaining a boiling hype throughout the runtime of the movie about the ultimate fate of the superheroes – “Avengers: Infinity War” is the epitome of the sheer brilliance of the entire team at Marvel Studios. MCU is getting bigger and grander by the day, and the exponential increase in cinematic splendour is being received with a commensurate rise in the general fandom of superhero flicks. Something huge which is already in the news is the Avengers and X-Men crossover film slated for 2020. We just hope the 95-year-old creator Stan Lee is still alive till then!

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बीते 23 अप्रैल को हैदराबाद से मैंने अपनी माँ के लिए एक साड़ी भारतीय डाक की रजिस्टर्ड पार्सल सर्विस के माध्यम से दिल्ली भेजी थी। ट्रैक करने पर पता चला कि पार्सल 27 अप्रैल की सुबह डिलीवरी पोस्ट ऑफिस (नांगलोई) पहुंच चुका था। चूंकि हमारे इलाके का डाकिया सही समय पर ज़रूरी से ज़रूरी पत्र भी नहीं पहुंचाने के लिए जाना जाता है, इसलिए उसी दिन मैंने अपने भाई को पोस्ट ऑफिस जाकर पार्सल ले आने के लिए कहा था। पोस्ट ऑफिस में उसे किसी कर्मचारी ने कहा कि तुम लोगों के यहां इसलिए देर से पोस्टल आइटम्स पहुंचती हैं, क्यूंकि तुम लोग पोस्टमैन की सेवा-पानी (शायद टिप या घूस!) नहीं करते और साथ ही यह कहा कि तुम्हारा पार्सल पोस्ट ऑफिस में नहीं है और पोस्टमैन डिलीवरी के लिए ही गया हुआ है।

28 अप्रैल को सुबह नौ-साढ़े नौ बजे के करीब डाकिये ने पार्सल मेरे घर पर पहुंचाया (ट्रैकिंग में यह डिलीवरी एक दिन पहले यानी 27 अप्रैल की शाम, दिखा रहा है!)। घर से यह भी पता चला कि पैकेट थमाते हुए डाकिया इतनी हड़बड़ी में था कि उसने किसी से रिसीविंग तक नहीं ली! पार्सल खोलते ही मेरी माँ ने मुझे फ़ोन करके पूछा कि ‘ये क्या भेजा है’? उसमें मरून रंग की साड़ी और ब्लाउज की बजाय फिरोज़ी रंग के एक-आध मीटर के कपड़े का एक टुकड़ा था। ये सुनते ही मैं सन्न रह गयी!

साड़ी और सिलवाकर भेजे गये ब्लाउज़ की कुल लागत दो-हज़ार के लगभग थी और पैसों से भी अधिक उसके साथ जुड़ी मेरी भावना थी।

इंडियन पोस्ट के माध्यम से भेजे गये पार्सल कभी-कभार गायब हो जाते हैं, यह तो सुना था लेकिन किसी एक सामान को बदलकर दूसरे सामान को रख देने का आरोप कुछ कुरियर कंपनियों पर ज़रूर लगता रहा है, भारतीय डाक विभाग के रजिस्टर्ड पोस्ट को लेकर ऐसा मैंने आजतक नहीं सुना था।

लेकिन आज तो उसे खुद भोग भी लिया! किसी ने बड़ी तफसील से पैकेट खोलकर साड़ी निकाली और उसमें कपड़े का एक टुकड़ा डाल कर टेप लगा दिया।

एक शिकायती टिप्पणी के साथ मैंने डाक विभाग को इसकी सूचना दे दी है और शिकायत के अन्य सभी विकल्पों पर भी विचार कर रही हूं। बहरहाल डाक विभाग में शिकायत के लिए निर्धारित जितने भी फोन नंबर हैं, उनपर या तो कॉल नहीं लग रहा या कॉल उठाया नहीं जा रहा!

स्थानीय पोस्ट ऑफिस से यह भी पता चला है कि ऐसे मामलों में डाक विभाग मामूली पूछ-ताछ के अतिरिक्त और कुछ भी नहीं करता और इस तरह की धोखा-धड़ी के शिकार उपभोक्ताओं को किसी तरह का कोई मुआवज़ा भी तब तक नहीं मिलता जब तक कि पार्सल भेजते हुए उन्होंने उसका इंश्योरेन्स नहीं करवाया हो! और इंश्योर्ड पार्सल का खर्च रजिस्टर्ड पार्सल से बहुत अधिक होता है।

28 अप्रैल को घर पर एक फंक्शन था और मैंने इस भावना के साथ ही वह साड़ी भेजी थी कि माँ उस दिन उसे पहन पाएंगी। डाक विभाग की इस धोखा-धड़ी का जब से पता चला है, तब से मन बहुत उदास है!

The post भारतीय डाक से माँ के लिए भेजी साड़ी, घर पहुंचा कपड़े का एक टुकड़ा! appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

रोज़ बलात्कार की घटनाओं पर लोग लिख रहे हैं। कोई पॉर्न को कारण बता रहा है, तो कोई नशीली पदार्थों के सेवन को, कोई लड़की के पहनावे में समस्या की जड़ तलाश रहा है, तो कोई उसके खानपान में। कुछ लोग ऐसे भी हैं, जो इसका ज़िम्मेदार पश्चिमी संस्कृति और खुलकर लड़का-लड़की के मिलने को बता रहे हैं। इसपर एक बड़ा तबका, खासकर गैर-सरकारी संगठन और धार्मिक समुदाय के बीच से यह भी आवाज़ आ रही है, कि बलात्कार के लिए कठोर सज़ा का ना होना, ऐसी घटनाओं का बड़ा कारण है। उनकी नज़र में फांसी, बीच चौराहे मृत्यु-दण्ड, लिंग को सरेआम काट देना, तबतक पीटना जबतक उसकी जान न चली जाय, जैसे समाधान सुझा रहे हैं।

किसी भी घटना के कारण में जाने से पहले यह स्पष्ट कर देना आवश्यक है कि यह लेख समस्या और उसके समाधान के कुछ पहलु पर सोचने के लिए विकल्प सुझाने की कोशिश करता है। कहीं से भी अंतिम कारण अथवा समाधान सुझाना इसका उद्देश्य नहीं है। यह पहले ही स्पष्ट है कि बलात्कार की घटनाओं पर हर व्यक्ति की अलग राय है। उसके कारण को लेकर, बलात्कार की प्रकृति अथवा परिभाषा को लेकर और समाधान  को लेकर भी।

बलात्कार के इर्द-गिर्द घूमता यह लेख मुख्यतः तीन चीजों पर बात करने की चेष्टा करता है – पहला, बलात्कार की परिभाषा व सज़ा पर, दूसरा उसके कारणों व बढ़ावा देने वाली परिस्थिति पर और तीसरा, उसके समाधान पर। यहां शुरू करते हैं, उसकी परिभाषा और कानूनी प्रावधान से।

बलात्कार की कानूनी परिभाषा क्या है?

हमें सबसे पहले यह जानना चाहिए कि बलात्कार क्या है?  जानकारी का अभाव कई बार बलात्कार की घटना को बढ़ावा दे सकता है। भारतीय दंड संहिता, 1860 की धारा 375 के अनुसार बलात्कार की निम्न परिभाषा है।

एक पुरुष बलात्कार करता है, यदि वह –

1. किसी भी हद तक अपना लिंग एक महिला की योनी, मुख, मूत्रमार्ग या गुदा में प्रवेश करता है या उससे या किसी दूसरे व्यक्ति को ऐसा करने को कहता है अथवा;
2. किसी भी हद तक कोई वस्तु या शरीर का अंग, लिंग नहीं, एक महिला की योनी, मुख, मूत्रमार्ग या गुदा में प्रवेश करता है या उससे या किसी दूसरे व्यक्ति को ऐसा करने को कहता है अथवा,
3. एक महिला के शरीर के किसी भी भाग में हेरफेर करता है जिससे उसकी योनि, मूत्रमार्ग, गुदा या महिला के किसी भी अंग में प्रवेश करने के लिए उसके साथ या किसी अन्य व्यक्ति के साथ ऐसा करवाता है अथवा;
4. निम्नलिखित सात विवरणों में से किसी एक के तहत आने वाली परिस्थितियों में, एक महिला की योनि, गुदा, मूत्रमार्ग पर अपना मुख लगाता है या उसके साथ या किसी अन्य व्यक्ति के साथ ऐसा करवाता है:-

पहला – उसकी इच्छा के विरुद्ध।

दूसरा– उसकी सहमति के बिना।

तीसरा – उसकी सहमति डरा-धमकाकर ली गई हो।

चौथा – उसकी सहमति नकली पति बनकर ली गई हो जबकि वह उसका पति नहीं है।

पांचवां – उसकी सहमति तब ली गई हो जब वह दिमागी रूप से कमज़ोर या पागल हो अथवा उसकी सहमति तब ली गई हो जब वह शराब या अन्य नशीले पदार्थ के कारण होश में नहीं हो।

छठा – यदि वह 18 वर्ष से कम उम्र की है, चाहे उसकी सहमति हो या सहमति नहीं हो।

सातवीं – जब वह सहमति देने में असमर्थ है।

उपरोक्त परिभाषा से स्पष्ट है कि बलात्कार में लिंग का योनि में प्रवेश होना ही बलात्कार नहीं है, बल्कि उसका व्यापक अर्थ है। किसी भी महिला की सहमति नितांत आवश्यक है। धोखे में, मानसिक हालत ठीक नहीं होने पर अथवा परिस्थिति अनुसार वांछित उम्र पूरा नहीं होने पर दी गयी सहमति अमान्य है।

कई बार लोग पति द्वारा ज़बरदस्ती किये गए सम्भोग को जायज़ मानते हैं, पर इस परिभाषा से बिलकुल स्पष्ट है कि बिना सहमति अथवा ज़बरदस्ती पति द्वारा किया गया सम्भोग भी बलात्कार की श्रेणी में आएगा।

पत्नी द्वारा सहमति भी हो, पर यदि महिला वयस्क नहीं हो, तब भी वह बलात्कार की श्रेणी में आएगा। ऐसे में विवाह होना, पति द्वारा हर परिस्थिति में, सम्भोग करने का अधिकार होना नहीं है।

बलात्कार के मामले में सज़ा का प्रावधान

• यदि कोई पुरुष महिला के साथ बलात्कार करने का दोषी पाया जाता है, तो उसे सात वर्ष से आजीवन कारावास और जुर्माने से दण्डित किए जाने का प्रावधान है (धारा 376)।
• यदि कोई पुलिस अधिकारी या लोक सेवक या सशस्त्र बल का सदस्य या बालक अथवा स्त्री के लिए कार्य करने वाली संस्था का व्यक्ति या अस्पताल के प्रबंधन में रहने वाला व्यक्ति द्वारा या जिसपर वह विश्वास करता है, उसके द्वारा बलात्कार करने का दोष साबित होता है, तो दोषी व्यक्ति को दस वर्ष के आजीवन कठोर कारावास की सजा और जुर्माने से दण्डित किये जाने का प्रावधान है। यहां आजीवन कारावास का अर्थ है, कि व्यक्ति जबतक जीवित रहता है (धारा 376)।
• जो कोई पुरुष स्त्री के साथ बलात्कार करता है और इसके परिणामस्वरूप स्त्री की मृत्यु हो जाती है या वह लगातार निष्क्रिय स्थिति में रहती है, तो दोषी व्यक्ति को बीस वर्ष से आजीवन कारावास या मृत्यु-दण्ड से दण्डित किये जाने का प्रावधान है (धारा 376A)।
• यदि पत्नी पति से अलग रह रही हो और इस दौरान पति द्वारा पत्नी के साथ उसकी मर्ज़ी के बिना यौन सम्बन्ध बनाया जाता है, तो दोषी को दो वर्ष से सात वर्ष तक कारावास और जुर्माने से दण्डित किये जाने का प्रावधान है (धारा 376B)।
• यदि किसी व्यक्ति के प्राधिकार या प्रबंधन या विश्वास में रहते हुए स्वयं उसी के द्वारा स्त्री की सम्मति या ईच्छा नहीं होने के बावजूद यौन सम्बन्ध बनाया जाता है, तो दोषी व्यक्ति को पांच वर्ष से दस वर्ष तक कठोर सजा और जुर्माने से दण्डित किये जाने का प्रावधान है (धारा 376C)।
• सामूहिक बलात्कार करने पर दोषी व्यक्तियों को बीस वर्ष से आजीवन कठोर कारावास और जुर्माने से दण्डित किये जाने का प्रावधान है। जुर्माने की राशि पीड़िता को दिया जायेगा। यहां आजीवन कारावास का अर्थ है, कि व्यक्ति जबतक जीवित रहता है (धारा 376D)।

बच्चों के साथ यौनिक हिंसा के मामले में कानून

भारतीय समाज और बलात्कार के कई पहलु

बलात्कार हिंसा का एक अमानवीय प्रकार है, यह सम्भोग कतई नहीं है। सम्भोग तब माना जाना चाहिए, जब दोनों की सहमति है। हालांकि बलात्कार की घटनाओं का ज़िक्र धर्मग्रंथों में तथा इतिहास में मिलता है। युद्ध के समय पराजित देश की महिलाओं को बंदी बनाकर उसे सम्पति की तरह समझा जाता था। ऐसे में उनके साथ बनाये गए शारीरिक सम्बन्ध को मानवीय नहीं समझा जा सकता। वैसे समय के साथ हिंसा और मानवीय गरिमा की परिभाषाएं, बदलती रहती हैं, ऐसे में जिस घटना को पहले मामूली समझा जाता था, अब गंभीर समझा जाता है। मसलन पति पत्नी के सम्बन्ध में ज़बरदस्ती को पहले बलात्कार नहीं समझा जाता था, पर अब भारतीय कानून के अनुसार बलात्कार समझा जाता है। उसी प्रकार लड़कियों की विवाह काफी कम उम्र में हो जाती थी, उसे सामाजिक स्वीकृति भी प्राप्त थी, अब अठारह साल से कम उम्र की लड़की से विवाह करना अथवा उसके साथ यौनिक सम्बन्ध बनाना अपराध की श्रेणी में है।

बलात्कार के प्रमुख कारणों में निम्न कारण हो सकते हैं।

कई बार हम जिसे सेक्स समझ रहे होते हैं वह बलात्कार हो सकता है। जैसे किसी लड़की को शादी का वादा करते हैं, फिर दोनों में अंतरंगता बढ़ती है और बात शारीरिक सम्बन्ध तक पहुंच जाती है। ऐसे मामले में, यदि लड़के द्वारा लड़की को झूठा आश्वासन दिया गया हो, तो ऐसा मामला भारतीय कानून की नज़र में बलात्कार की श्रेणी में आ सकता है।

कई बार पति द्वारा पत्नी से सम्बन्ध बनाने की इच्छा और पत्नी की अनिच्छा होने पर, यदि पति द्वारा ज़बरदस्ती की जाती है, तब वह बलात्कार की श्रेणी में आयेगा। हालांकि हम इसे पति-पत्नी का आपसी मामला समझ रहे होते हैं।

बलात्कार इस लिए भी होते हैं कि महिला को बचपन से कमज़ोर होने और पुरुष को ताकतवर होने का अहसास दिलाया जाता है। पुरुष को मर्द बनने को कहा जाता है अर्थात हिंसक, दर्द देने और सहने वाला, आक्रामक बर्ताव करने वाला, छेड़ने वाला आदि। दूसरी तरफ महिला को बचपन से कमज़ोर, छुईमुई, सजने-संवरने, संकट आने पर भाई, पिता या पति द्वारा सुरक्षा प्राप्त करने की बात सीखाई जाती है, जैसे रक्षा बंधन जैसे त्यौहार। इससे महिला को लगता है कि वह खुद की रक्षा करने में अक्षम है और हर बात में उसे पुरुष पर निर्भर रहना है। पुरुष भी समझता है कि घर की महिला की रक्षा करना पुरुषों की ज़िम्मेदारी है।

महिलाओं की सुरक्षा के नाम पर घर के बाहर, समाज में, बाज़ार में, कार्यालयों में पुरुष ही पुरुष नज़र आते हैं, महिलाओं की संख्या बहुत कम होती है। यह अंतर धीरे-धीरे मन में स्थापित होने लगता है कि महिला घर की इज्ज़त है और उसका घर में रहना ही सुरक्षित होना है।

देर शाम घर से बाहर निकलने वाली महिला को चरित्रहीन समझा जाता है जबकि पुरुष को देर रात तक काम करने पर अधिक मेहनती और ज़िम्मेदार समझा जाता है। यह सोच भी धीरे धीरे सड़क, बाज़ार आदि पर से महिला के क्लेम को कम करता है। कोई महिला दिख जाती है, तो उसे शिकार बनाना आसान हो जाता है।

घर में बच्चों की परवरिश में हमेशा लड़कियों के चाल-चलन पर विशेष ज़ोर दिया जाता है, लड़कों को टोका नहीं जाता। यह प्रवृति भी लड़कियों को शंकालू और दब्बू बना देता है, दूसरी तरफ कई लड़के आवारागर्दी करने और लड़कियों को परेशान करने तक की हिम्मत करने लगते हैं। यह प्रवृति भी बलात्कार बढ़ावा देने वाला प्रतीत होता है।

समाज में एक सोच स्थापित कर दी गयी है कि इज्ज़त मतलब महिला, जैसे पुरुष की इज्ज़त ही नहीं होती। कई बार किसी परिवार के चरित्र हनन के लिए महिला के साथ बलात्कार को अंजाम दिया जाता है।

पुरुष-स्त्री का आर्थिक, सामाजिक और राजनीतिक गैर-बराबरी भी इसका एक बड़ा कारण है।

आर्थिक और सामाजिक रूप से कमजोर बना दिए जाने के कारण समाज में महिला को दूसरे दर्जे का नागरिक समझा जाता है। जैसा कि सीमोन दी बोवुवार अपनी पुस्तक ‘सेकण्ड सेक्स’ में लिखती हैं, “स्त्री पैदा नहीं होती, बना दी जाती है।” ऐसे में कमज़ोर बना दिए गए व्यक्ति पर किसी भी प्रकार से हिंसा या शोषण करना शोषक के लिए आसान हो जाता है।

बलात्कार की अधिकांश घटनाओं को देखने और उनका अध्ययन करने से यह निष्कर्ष निकलता है कि बलात्कार के ज़्यादातर मामले बच्चों, महिला, आर्थिक रूप से विपन्न, दलित, मज़दूर, आपदा के शिकार आदि के साथ वयस्कों, पुरुषों, सत्तासीन, ठेकेदार, बाबा, आर्थिक रूप से सक्षम आदि के द्वारा किया जाता है। ऐसे में सत्ता चाहे वह जिस रूप में भी हो, गैरबराबरी को बढ़ावा देता है जो बलात्कार का उत्प्रेरक हो सकता है। ऐसे में कमज़ोर और पीड़ित को ही शिकार बनाया जाता है, सबल और सक्षम को नहीं। इसमें ऐसा भी सोच काम करता है कि कमज़ोर को नियंत्रित करना आसान होता है।

धार्मिक परंपरा और सामाजिक मान्यता भी पुरुष को शक्तिशाली बनाता है और स्त्री को कमज़ोर,

जैसे पति को स्वामी, परमेश्वर, मालिक आदि जैसा समझा जाता है, जबकि महिला को दासी, परनिर्भर, किसी के लिए जीने वाली, त्याग की मूर्ति आदि। यह भेद भी स्त्री को कमज़ोर बनाता है और पुरुष आक्रामक, जो बलात्कार में अतिरिक्त कारक बनकर उसकी सम्भावना को बढ़ाता है।

लड़का-लड़की के बीच प्राकृतिक रूप से मिलने-जुलने और मित्रता होने पर अतिरिक्त पाबंदी लगा दी जाती है। उम्र के साथ यह कुंठा में बदल जाती है। यह कुंठा भी लड़की को साथी, मित्र की जगह सेक्स पूर्ति और मज़ा करने का साधन मात्र बना देता है।

सेक्स को समाज में वर्जित और पाप सदृश समझना भी एक घटक है।

एक उम्र के बाद जब लड़की-लड़का व्यस्क हों, अपना भला-बुरा समझने में सक्षम हों, तो उनके बीच सहमति से किये गए प्रेम और सेक्स पर अंकुश लगाना भी गलत दिशा ले सकता है। हमें पता है सेक्स एक नैसर्गिक ज़रुरत है, इसपर अधिक पाबन्दी होने से मौका मिलने पर तथा अन्य कारणों के मिलने से किसी को इसका शिकार बनाने का कारण बन सकता है।

बलात्कार को लड़की के कपड़े, घूमने-फिरने की आज़ादी और खान-पान से जोड़ना बेतुका है। ऐसी मान्यताएं लड़कों को आक्रामक और गलत व्यव्हार के लिए प्रेरित करती है। इसका खामियाज़ा कई बार लड़की को भुगतना पड़ता है। खाप पंचायतें लड़कियों की स्वतंत्रता की दुश्मन हैं, वे इसे ऐसा प्रस्तुत करती हैं कि अपनी पसंद के कपड़े, घूमने-फिरने की आज़ादी होना, अपराध और सामाजिक मान्यताओं को तोड़ना हैं। समाज में ऐसी मानसिकता होने पर लड़की को टारगेट करना सही लगता है, जबकि यह अपराध है।

यौन-शिक्षा की कमी व इस पर घर-समाज में बातचीत का माहौल नहीं होना भी, बच्चों और किशोरों को अधकचरे ज्ञान के साथ बिगड़े बच्चों, सस्ती साहित्य और सामाजिक रूप से गैर-ज़िम्मेदार वयस्कों  के बीच ले जाता है, जबकि माँ-बाप को लगता रहता है उसका बेटा बड़ा भोला है। सेक्स से अंजान है तथा जब ज़रूरत होगी खुद ब खुद ज्ञान हो जायेगा।

कई बार सहमति से, फिर भी असुरक्षित सेक्स होने की संभावना और बच्चा ठहरने पर लड़की द्वारा संभव है कि अपनी तथाकथित झूठी इज्ज़त को बचाने के लिए उसे बलात्कार कह दिया जाय। इसके लिए हमारा समाज खुद ज़िम्मेदार है। ऐसी स्थिति आने की सम्भावना सुरक्षित सेक्स की जानकारी होने पर कम हो सकती है।

भारतीय समाज सेक्स के मामले में बड़ा दकियानुस है। एक तरफ यहां ब्रह्मचर्य की शिक्षा दी जाती है, दूसरी तरफ देखते हैं कि कुंठित बाबाओं के आश्रम सेक्स रैकेट के स्थल के रूप में काम करते हैं। कई बाबा खुद यौन शोषण के मामलों में आरोपित हैं। ऐसे में हमें समझना चाहिए कि ब्रह्मचर्य और दूसरे लिंग के प्रति आकर्षण पर अतिरिक्त बंदिश भी गलत प्रवृति बलात्कार को बढ़ावा दे सकता है।

बच्चों और किशोरों को यह समझाने की ज़रूरत है कि कोई भी रिश्तेदार, पड़ोसी आदि कुछ गलत करता है, तो उसका विरोध करें।

ऐसा होने पर माँ-पिता अथवा अभिभावक को बिना डरे और बिना हिचके तुरंत बताएं। छोटे बच्चों को अच्छे-बुरे स्पर्श में भेद करना ज़रूर सीखना चाहिए। सेक्स और शोषण पर बच्चा या किशोर अपने अभिभावक से खुल कर बात कर सके, ऐसा माहौल बनाने की ज़िम्मेदारी खुद अभिभावकों पर है।

हमें अपनी न्याय व्यवस्था को बेहतर करनी चाहिए। ऐसा ना हो कि ऐसे मामले में लोगों को न्याय नहीं मिलता हो और अधिक देरी होती हो। पुलिस से समाज भय खाता हो और जब बात ज़ाहिर हो जाती है, तभी हम न्याय के लिए बोल पाएं। ऐसी सोच बलात्कार की घटनाओं के प्रति समाज में असंवेदनशीलता में इज़ाफा कर सकता है। बलात्कार की घटनाओं को अपने परिवार, रिश्तेदार या पड़ोसी में होने पर छुपाना उसे लगातार जारी रख सकता है।

आजकल पूंजीवादी और उपभोगतावादी अर्थव्यवस्था में मीडिया महिला की छवि उपभोग की वस्तु के रूप में भी परोस रहा है।

कभी तो उसे उसे तंदूरी चिकेन समझना, कभी परफ्यूम इस्तेमाल करने मात्र से उसका उपलब्ध हो जाना आदि दिखाता है, कि वे केवल सेक्स ऑब्जेक्ट हैं। यह प्रवृति मनुष्य की आधी आबादी का वस्तुकरण करना है। यह महिला को मात्र सेक्स पूर्ति और मज़ा करने का साधन वाली मानसिकता गढ़ने का कार्य करती है, जो बलात्कार को उकसावा देता है, जहां वह इंसान ना होकर सेक्स की वस्तु समझी जाने लगती है।

हमें अपने बच्चों के व्यवहार के बारे में खबर रखनी चाहिए,

साथ की कुछ अलग व्यवहार दिखने पर उसकी प्रशिक्षित काउंसलर से काउंसिलिंग भी करवानी चाहिए, जिससे उसके व्यव्हार को सामान्य बने रहने में मदद मिल सके और गलत प्रवृतियों की ओर भटकाव पर नियंत्रण रहे।

बलात्कार की घटनाओं पर समाज अपनी ज़िम्मेदारी ले। घटना के बाद उसे मौत की सज़ा, कानून व्यवस्था का मामला तक न सीमित मान ले, बल्कि समाज द्वारा उसके कारणों को बच्चों की परवरिश, सामाजिक ज़िम्मेदारी निभाना, लैंगिक भेद, पितृसत्ता आदि में भी तलाशे। साथ ही यथासंभव उसे दूर करने का प्रयास भी करे। क्या पता यहां से एक नई पीढ़ी के लड़का-लड़की की सम्भावना दिखे, जो सेक्स के मामले में स्वस्थ हो और बलात्कार जैसी घटनाओं से दूर।

उपरोक्त बातों का ध्यान रखने तथा घर और विद्यालयी शिक्षा में इनको शामिल करके, समाज पुलिस, गैरसरकारी संस्थाओं आदि के सहयोग से प्रशिक्षण किशोरों-किशोरियों के प्रशिक्षण से, हम एक बेहतर समाज के निर्माण की दिशा में, एक अहम् भूमिका निभा सकते हैं। स्वस्थ एवं मानसिक विकारों से दूर युवा-पीढ़ी ना बलात्कार में प्रेरित होगा, ना अन्य अपराध में संलग्न होगा। ऐसे में एक बेहतर समाज का निर्माण करना संभव होगा।

नोट- बलात्कार के सम्बन्ध में दिए गए कानूनी प्रावधान सामान्य जानकारी के लिए हैं, अधिक जानकारी के लिए किसी कानून के जानकर से सलाह लें अथवा कानून की मूल प्रति का सन्दर्भ लें।

The post बलात्कार और इसके कारकों को हमारा समाज और हम कितना समझते हैं? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

In 2013, the BJP promised granting full statehood to Delhi in their manifesto before the Assembly elections. In the 2014 general elections, similar to the 1999 elections, the same party promised statehood again. After almost four years, this promise has still not been implemented despite being touted by Dr. Harsh Vardhan (the BJP’s chief ministerial candidate in 2013) as the ‘first demand from the Prime Minister’.

This represents a shift of views, which is not isolated to one party. The Congress and the former chief minister of Delhi, Sheila Dikshit, held the firm belief of granting full statehood to Delhi. But later, she seemed to think that the demand was ‘not realistic’.

The Delhi government’s policy of providing compensation to people affected by frequent power cuts has been approved by the Lieutenant Governor (LG). This makes the ‘discoms’ (distribution companies) pay ₹50 for the first two hours of the cut (excluding then initial hour), and ₹100 subsequently. This policy was also floated in 2015, but was not approved by the LG then.

In light of this policy being approved now (and not 3 years before), I thought it vital to see if it still makes sense to not grant Delhi statehood. I also wanted to investigate if it makes sense that the people of Delhi are not equipped with a government that enjoys the powers of a complete state – and whether the capital of a country can be a state in itself.

The Present Scenario

Article 239 AA, which was introduced by the 69th amendment to the Constitution, the GNCT Act (1991) and a plethora of judgements around the existence of Delhi are the three basic features which define the role of Delhi and its governance.

Article 239 AA provides for a special provision to Delhi. It has three major, relevant items.

1. It provides for a legislative assembly.

2. The legislative assembly is prohibited to make laws on matters pertaining to the police, public order and land.

3. The LG is the administrator for Delhi – and if there is a disagreement with the Delhi government, the matter is to be referred to the President. However, if the LG thinks that the matter is urgent, they can act on their own will, pending the final decision.

Now, the biggest hurdle in the effective functioning of Delhi is the LG. This has come to light time and time again, mainly because of the present Delhi government. Previously, for 10 years, the same party which was in power at the Centre also governed Delhi.

However, with different political parties in power at the Centre and in Delhi, there’s been a clash in ideologies, differences in policies and separate styles of public governance. That is why we see a contentious relationship that is benefitting no one – and especially not the people of Delhi.

The LG is the administrator of the state as laid down by the article. However, the elected Delhi government shall aid and advise the governor on matters under the government.

The first question to be asked is – is this advice binding or discretionary?

The GNCT Act (1991), under Section 41, lays down when LGs can act on their own. These are – the powers falling outside the purview of the legislative assembly, but which have been given to them by the President, and those prescribed by any other law. Under Section 44, the law also says that the President can frame the procedure to be adopted if there is a difference of opinion between the Council of Ministers (Cabinet) and the LG.

The second question is – can these provisions be misused?

Arguments Against Statehood

There are numerous reasons against giving statehood to Delhi. The major one is that Delhi is the capital of the country – and like many other capitals which house the national government, it must lack the full-fledged autonomy that other states/provinces do, that is, international precedent.

Another objection is that the budget of the Delhi government would balloon if it has to take over the expenses of the Delhi police and the Delhi Development Authority (DDA). Without the generous subsidies of the Centre, will it have the ability to finance its needs as a state? Or will the average Delhi citizen face higher taxes on petrol, higher stamp duty or higher Delhi Metro fares?

Delhi, being the place where all central government departments and ministries are located, must not have its security in the hands of the Delhi government. You can add embassies to this list too, as they hold an important place in the perception of India’s ability to maintain order.

It is often argued that if Delhi is awarded statehood, it will control the police politically and may even use it using it ‘against’ the Centre. there’s also the possibility that it may use land in the same way by withholding its use by the Centre. Simply put, the issue at stake here is the political handling of the reserved subjects.

Mandatory Advice

Article 239 AA (4) states –

“There shall be a Council of Ministers consisting of not more than ten percent, of the total number of members in the Legislative Assembly, with the Chief Minister at the head to aid and advise the Lieutenant Governor in the exercise to his functions in relation to matters with respect to which the Legislative Assembly has power to make laws, except in so far as he is, by or under any law, required to act in his discretion.”

This clearly states that the Council of Ministers will aid and advise the LG in all matters that fall under the ambit of the government. There should be no debate on the nature of this advice. This is binding due to the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the matter in the Shamsher Singh case (1971).

The flip side to this, that is often used as an argument, is that this judgement was applicable to governors and the President, not the LGs. In fact, LGs are far more powerful. They have huge discretionary powers. Plus, there is a proviso in clause 4 which addresses the issue of what happens when there is a difference of opinion between the LG and the government.

In my opinion, his is the wrong way to look at it. The governor is quite similar to the LG in terms of ‘aid and advice’. The governor has to act on the advice of state governments, unless in cases where the Constitution permit them to act on their own discretion, according to Article 163. The manner in which this has been written is exactly the same as the clause for Delhi – with one difference. The LG can act on their own discretion where ordinary laws permit them to. The only law here is the above-mentioned GNCT Act which says that they can act according to their discretion only on matters outside the government’s scope. On all matters within the ambit of the government, let there be no confusion – the advice is binding.

Parliamentary democracy is a basic structure of the Constitution. Imagine the logic – you create a legislature and a Council of Ministers – and yet, would you give the executive powers to an unelected, unaccountable post? Is this what the constitutional amendment was all about? To give all powers to the LG? Then, why did you create a government?

The other wrong argument is that “well, the LG is supreme whenever there’s has a difference of opinion. But, how can the LG disagree with the Government if the advice is of a mandatory nature?” Well, to that I say, look at the ‘power of disagreement’ given to the President. Under Article 74: “There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President who shall, in the exercise of his functions, act in accordance with such advice: Provided that the President may require the council of Ministers to reconsider such advice, either generally or otherwise, and the President shall act in accordance with the advice tendered after such reconsideration.”

In 2006, President APJ Abdul Kalam sent back the Office of Profit Bill because he believed that the exception clause was too big. This is the same power to be exercised by the LG as well as the governors. All three of them are, first and foremost, ‘constitutional protectors’ – and that is where I believe the power to disagree with the government comes, in the case of LGs. It is not some authoritative power that they hold over the government which can be used whenever they please.

However, the provision for dissent does not limit the power of the advice of the government. Just because the LG can disagree does not imply that the advice of the government is not binding, as regards matters under its ambit. All legislatures have a check in the form of a ‘constitutional protector’ to remind them that the laws must be in accordance with the Constitution. For states, the governors can disagree if they believe that constitutional principles are not being followed. The same goes for the Union government, and the same must be applied to any legislature created in India – of which, the Delhi government is one.

Also, Article 239 AB is all about the procedure of the President’s Rule in Delhi. If the President is already the executive in Delhi via the LG, who is the administrator and why is there a provision for President’s Rule? Doesn’t the President already have power? Why is there the need to officially declare that the President’s is in charge via the provision of President’s Rule?

In my opinion, there is no doubt that the advice is binding on the LG for all matters falling under the government’s scope. The LG has absolutely no right to disagree with the government, unless they think that the actions of the government are not ‘constitutionally permissible’. The fact that the differences (in public) between the two have been more in the nature of ‘disagreements’ (when it comes to policy matters) is shocking.

Notification Vs Constitution?

To answer the second question correctly, the ‘notification saga’ can serve as an illuminating backdrop.

There was a notification on May 2015 that said services were under the domain of the Centre. This notification, from the Ministry of Home Affairs, said that only the LG had the ability to appoint administrative officials including the Chief Secretary of Delhi. In the notification, the Home Ministry said: “Sub-clause (a) of clause (3) of article 239 AA also qualifies the matters enumerated in the State List or in the Concurrent List in so far as any such matter is applicable to Union Territories… As such, it is clear that the National Capital Territory of Delhi does not have its own State Public Services. Thus, ‘Services’ will fall within this category.”

It is well established that where there is no legislative power, there is no executive power since executive power is co-extensive with legislative power. And whereas matters relating to entries 1, 2 and 18 of the State List are ‘Public Order’, ‘Police’ and ‘Land’ respectively, entries 64, 65 and 66 of that list (in so far as they relate to entries 1, 2 and 18 as ‘Services’) fall outside the purview of the legislative assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi. Consequently the government of NCT of Delhi will have no executive power in relation to the above. Furthermore, that power, in relation to the aforesaid subjects, lies exclusively in the President or the delegate (that is, the Lieutenant Governor of Delhi).

The defining part of the notification is as follows –

“The President hereby directs that –

(i) subject to his control and further orders, the Lieutenant Governor of the National Capital Territory of Delhi, shall in respect of matters connected with ‘Public Order’, ‘Police’, ‘Land’ and ‘Services’ as stated herein above, exercise the powers and discharge the functions of the Central Government, to the extent delegated to him from time to time by the President.

Provided that the Lieutenant Governor of the National Capital Territory of Delhi may, in his discretion, obtain the views of the Chief Minister of the National Capital Territory of Delhi in regard to the matter of ‘Services’ wherever he deems it appropriate.”

How is this possible? This subverts the Constitution. Only three subjects are prohibited from government access – and ‘services’ is not one of them. Entry 41 of the State List contains the subject of ‘services’. The Constitution provides for the clear responsibility of this to the Delhi government. Under the GNCT Act, Section 41, only those matters outside the purview of the government can be taken up by the LG. Services is not one of them. How can a notification go around a clearly defined constitutional mandate?

Further, this does not just subvert the Constitution, it also subverts the rules made under a statute. The Transaction of Business Rules, 1993 – made by the President and not the Delhi government – has a schedule, under which items 10 and 12 are –

10. Orders embodying important changes in the administrative system of the Capital.

12. Proposals for the creation or abolition of any public office the maximum remuneration of which exceeds rupees five hundred.

These items are those which only the Council of Ministers can handle. The notification runs contrary to the rules made by a President as well as the Constitution. By what godly interpretation did this notification come from? Delhi is not a central department but a Union Territory with its own government. ‘Services’ must be under the ambit of Delhi government. How can anyone but the government appoint their IAS and IPS officers? This power seems to have granted to all Delhi governments, except this one.

To answer the second question in a nutshell – yes, the provisions can be exceedingly misused.

Why Statehood Is A Must

Specious arguments take the cake when it comes to denying Delhi statehood.

There is a reason why various political parties want statehood (for Delhi) before elections, but give up on that demand after they lose or go out of power. That is because they are only willing to trust themselves to do it, but not the other parties. They feel that, although they cannot be accused of this ‘sin’, the other parties, while ruling Delhi, will be excessively political (in issues pertaining to land or police). This mistrust of other parties is toxic for the people of Delhi. This should not be looked at as a politically-charged issue.

To those who are worried about the finances of Delhi, let me assure you – what Delhi shall get is much more than what it will need to pay for.

Firstly, Delhi will get a share in the Finance Commission’s devolution of taxes. The 14th Finance Commission, historically, pushed the divisible pool of funds from 32% to 42%, but Delhi got nothing from that, since it’s considered as a Union Territory. Previously, since 2001, Delhi has got ₹325 crores for more than 15 years as its share in central taxes. In the 2018 Union budget, it got only ₹790 crores. On the other hand, as a state, there shall be a marked improvement on this front.

Secondly, as a state, it will get land revenue, which is a big component of state revenues. In 2017-18, according to its budget, the DDA is estimated to get ₹6,800 crores. Despite that, the power to use land revenue and tax it according to its financial requirements will be the key for Delhi’s finances.

Thirdly, regarding the Delhi police, the Centre plans to spend ₹6,946 crores on it in 2018-19. However, Delhi raises over 70% of its revenue from its own taxes and does not rely on the Centre. Plus, its financial position is quite strong. Its fiscal deficit of a mere ₹2,924 crores is only 0.42% of the GSDP. The GSDP itself has been growing over 8% for the last four years. I expect it to absorb the expense easily. The power to finance (or not to, as the space is quite limited), the big infrastructure projects must all be left to the Delhi government itself.

The politically-sensitive location of Delhi (the exclusive area where the central government resides – Lutyens Delhi), can be protected (if the Delhi government becomes ‘too political’, that is) by giving them their own police force. The area should also governed by the New Delhi Municipal Council (NDMC). The NDMC is already governed by a joint secretary – and this would just codify the existing practice.

Local issues, I think, are best left to local governments. The arrangement would then be – Delhi minus the NDMC area, if the Centre believes the protection of the Parliament and embassies to be its own right, which is quite legitimate. It will also be achievable. As a Standing Committee report mentioned, the central government owns 80% of the buildings in the NDMC area, and private residence is minimal.

Will Delhi Get Statehood?

Just because a solution is ideal does not mean it is inevitable. In fact, I predict that it will be a long time before Delhi is given statehood, although I would be happy to be proven wrong.

The battle between Najeeb Jung and the Delhi government, and subsequently, the one between Anil Baijal and the Delhi government seem to be indicative of political fights. The collateral damage of these fights are the people of Delhi, who, in my opinion, unequivocally deserve a legitimate government which does not need to bow to the LG. However, it shouldn’t have complete control over Delhi either, since it’s also the seat of the Union government.

I believe Delhi needs statehood as it is one of the most densely-populated places in the country. In such a situation, having the MCDs (which handle sanitation) report to it, plus controlling the police and the land under a competent government can have a transformational effect on the whole area.

The reason for the Constitutional amendment was to give the people of Delhi a fair representation. It is sad that the only ones who’ll suffer will be the people of Delhi, as their right to accountable representation is taken away with the continued denial of statehood.

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Featured image used for representative purposes only.

Featured image source: Raj K Raj/Hindustan Times via Getty Images

The post Does It Still Make Sense To Not Give Statehood To Delhi? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Ten kilometres from the Yellapur taluka, in the woods of Uttar Kannada, there is Siddigav village, a settlement of Siddi people, where Dinith Siddi lives. Dinith, who is the President of Karnataka Siddi Association, was keen on his mobile network becoming available, so he could to talk to me. He had not been able to complete his conversation with me due to network problems on an earlier day.

Before I could end my first question about the major issues the Siddis face, he told me, “If government wants to take the forest rights from us, then they should provide us ration grains entire year. Forest is the only thing which kept us fed for generations. They shouldn’t take it from us. We protect forests much better than forest officers.”

Siddi’s complaint isn’t very different from the many forest-dwelling tribes of India, who complain about big companies and the government taking away their right to live and earn from the forest. However, the history of the Siddi tribe is slightly different from most Scheduled Tribes of India. In that history lie their present woes, and it is the difference therein that makes Dinith Siddi not hope much from why he doesn’t have much hope from a government-run sports programme that has been restarted in the area on the community’s request.

Origins

Siddi people are said to be the descendants of Bantu people of East Africa. In India, they live largely in the states of Karnataka, Maharashtra, and Gujarat. They were bought to India by Arab traders in the 7th century and subsequently the Portuguese brought them as a product of slave trade. After slavery was abolished, the Siddis in Karnataka chose the forest for safety, but became isolated from the rest of India in the process.

The Siddis in Karnataka are spread in the ghat regions of Uttar Kannada, Dharwad and Belgavi districts. In Uttar Kannada where their population is concentrated, the Siddis reside in forests near Yellapur, Haliyal, Ankola and Mundagod talukas.

Although Siddi people have adopted speaking Indian languages and wearing Indian attire they still retained their culture in Daaman and Dhammal (their dance forms) and cuisine. They seldom marry with outside their community. So their physical features make a large part of Indian population to mistake them for Africans. The sufferings of Siddis range from abuse by forest authorities inside the forests to racist abuse when they step outside the forests. Since after independence they preferred not to step out of forests, the Siddi community is largely illiterate. According to a research paper from JNU by Surendra Kumar, some of the Siddis lost their lands to landlords, who took advantage of their illiteracy.

The Beginning Of The SAG Programme

Some empowerment of the community happened under former sports minister Margaret Alva, who introduced the Special Area Games Programme under Sports Authority of India. The first project was launched under the programme in November 1986 with an objective of nurturing a population group which has ‘natural’ aptitude for sports by giving the group an exclusive training in well-equipped SAG centers.

The programme was borne out of the idea that the performance of African origin people in the field of sports and especially athletics is good. Though the plan might appear casteist or racist, but Alva thought that the plan is good as it would only bring empowerment to those with fewer opportunities.

Juje Jackie Harnodkar Siddi, born in Wada village of Karwar district in Karnataka, was one such athlete among some 30 from his village who were selected in the second round of selection in 1989. After 2 months of training in New Delhi, they were brought to Bengaluru where they were able to continue with sports along with their education in Kannada medium.

Even in a big city, people weren’t any less racist. “While studying we faced (a) lot of discrimination from all angles. That (is) the reason we never mixed with the local community,” Juje told me. He however says his immediate coaches and managers were supportive.

Siddi athletes like Louis Siddi, Philip Anthony Siddi, and Kamala Babu Siddi did win medals in State and National level competitions. Former athletes were able to purchase farms, fund their children’s education, and get self-employment. Those who performed exceptionally well were selected in future programs of Sports Authority of India.

The Decline And Resurrection Of The SAG Programme

However, according to Juje Siddi, they faced setbacks a few years later. “Government started (this) as (a) trial…because many experiments (were) done,” he told me.

Candidates who didn’t perform well in a particular game were pushed for another one within a few months, Juje says. “That’s the reason some athletes didn’t perform well. Finally they thought there is no hope. Better to discontinue programme. In the year 1992, they closed down hostel,” he told me.

Despite the good intentions, the programme ended up like a science experiment, and the members of the tribe it’s unfortunate subjects. After being hauled up for training, those who didn’t perform well were sent back to the village.

“That’s the end of Siddi kids in sport arena. Because lot of odd problems back home, you can’t practice there or do sports there. That’s (the) reason I didn’t want to come back to village,”Juje says. He was one of the many athletes to return from the programme crying. But Juje preferred to stay in the city, started working with the Benguluru Police, and later at an EPF office in Mumbai.

But even now, the appearance of an African means he is taken for a tourist or racially abused as an ‘African’. In a video by 101 India he recalls how his son was called a chimpanzee.

In 2014 former athletes and community representatives were able to convince the government to reconsider restart of SAG program in Siddi regions. They started with 20 candidates with the goal of preparing for the 2024 Olympics. The central government has allocated Rs. 16.44 crore for the programme, which also caters to other Scheduled Tribes, for the current financial Year.

There are now 30 athletes under training in Mundagod. But Louis Braig Siddi, one of the trainers, complains about the lack of facilities, like a proper ground and athlete’s diet, which are creating hurdles in running the programme. Juje Siddi, therefore, expects adequate and direct funding for the program. He suggests that if the government is incompetent, it should privatise the programme.

Dinith Siddi on the other hand asks for internal reservation for Siddis in the quota for Scheduled Tribes. As the Siddis never left the woods, and especially after the 1993 closure of the SAG program, the new generation doesn’t have the capability to compete, he says.

The author is a part of the Youth Ki Awaaz Writers’ Training Program.

Featured image: YouTube

The post Why Indian Siddis Have Little Hope From This Sports Scheme For Their Empowerment appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

आज हमारे देश के हर नागरिक की सारी समस्याओं का समाधान कर दिया गया है इसलिए  हमारा देश आज से इस बात पर बहस करेगा कि किसकी तस्वीर और किसका नाम इस देश में रहेगा।

इस कैंपेन की शुरुआत AMU से हुई है और 1936 में जो जिन्नाह की तस्वीर AMU स्टूडेंट्स यूनियन हॉल में लगाई गई थी उसको हटाने का जिम्मा देशभक्तों ने उठाया है, जिसमे मैं भी शामिल हूं।

आज हो रही पूरे देश में चर्चा में एक बात कॉमन थी वो यह कि जिन्नाह की तस्वीर इसलिए हटनी चाहिए क्यूंकि उनकी Two nation theory की वजह से देश का बंटवारा हुआ और हज़ारों लोग जिसकी वजह से मारे गए।

लेकिन कुछ देशभक्तों को इतिहास की जानकारी कम होने की वजह से वो इस बात को भूल गए के जिन्नाह ने तो सिर्फ राजनीतिक फायदा उठाने के लिए Two nation theory का इस्तिमाल किया था इस थ्योरी के जनक तो सावरकर थे।

इसलिए मैं भी कहता हूं कि हां जिन्ना की तस्वीर AMU से हटनी चाहिए लेकिन-

साथ में हटनी चाहिए विनायक दामोदर सावरकर (जिन्हें RSS के लोग वीर सावरकर भी कहते हैं, लेकिन मैं नहीं मानता) की देश में लगी हर तस्वीर और उनके नाम से जुड़ी हर सड़क से क्यूंकि जिस Two nation theory को जिन्नाह ने अपनी राजनीति का ज़रिया बनाया वो 1937 में अहमदाबाद में हुए हिन्दू महासभा के 19वें अधिवेशन में सावरकर ने दी थी।

अपने भाषण में उन्होंने कहा था “भारत में दो विरोधी राष्ट्र एक साथ रह रहे हैं, भारत को आज एक यूनियन और सजातीय राष्ट्र नहीं माना जा सकता है। इसके विपरीत, भारत में हिंदू और मुसलमान मुख्य रूप में दो राष्ट्र हैं”

1937 में हिन्दू महासभा के अधिवेशन में Two nation theory के प्रस्ताव को पास किया गया। जिसके बाद जिन्नाह ने two nations theory को सत्ता हासिल करने का ज़रिया बनाया और लाहौर सेशन में इसका एलान किया।

विनायक दामोदर सावरकर ने जिन्नाह के एलान के बाद भी 15 अगस्त 1943  को कहा “श्री जिन्ना के दो राष्ट्र सिद्धांत के साथ मुझे कोई झगड़ा नहीं है। हम, हिंदू, एक राष्ट्र हैं और यह एक ऐतिहासिक तथ्य है कि हिंदू और मुस्लिम दो राष्ट्र हैं”

मतलब कि सावरकर साहब को तो जिन्नाह से कोई झगड़ा नहीं है और वो उनके साथ खड़े हैं कि देश का बंटवारा हो।

इसलिए हमें देश में Two nations theory के ज़िम्मेदार हर एक इंसान से जुड़ी हर चीज़ को नेस्तोनाबूत कर देना चाहिए चाहे वो जिन्नाह हों या सावरकर।

उम्मीद करता हूं रुबिका लियाक़त (देश में ताल ठोकने वाली पत्रकार, जिनकी पत्रकारिता मुझे बहुत पसंद है) और सतीश गौतम जी (सांसद, अलीगढ़) बहुत जल्द सावरकर जी को लेकर भी चर्चा करंगे।

मैं वादा करता हूं जिस तरह जिन्नाह की तस्वीर हटाने में मैं आपके साथ हूं उसी तरह सावरकर की तस्वीर भी हटाने में रहूंगा।

रुबिका लियाक़त जी, आपकी ताल ठोक के कार्यक्रम में मदद करने के लिए बहुत जल्द और लोगों की लिस्ट के साथ आऊंगा जिनकी तस्वीर देश से हटनी चाहिए।

आपका आभारी,

– फहद अहमद

AMU – Alumini

महासचिव छात्रसंघ

टाटा इंस्टिट्यूट ऑफ सोशल साइंसेज, मुंबई

The post दिक्कत देश बांटने वाली थ्योरी से है तो जिन्ना के साथ सावरकर की भी तस्वीरें हटनी चाहिए appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

On March 19, 2017, a tea worker died in the Hattigor plantation in Assam. Two days before that, the 40-year-old worker had collapsed and injured his neck and head while carrying pesticide cans on his bicycle. He had tuberculosis, but despite having knowledge of it, the authorities assigned him the task of spraying pesticides. The plantation hospital lacked adequate facilities to treat him and he was referred to an external hospital.

Another incident that took place on December 14, 2017, involves the baby of a tea worker in the Majuli plantation. The worker had requested the management to arrange a vehicle to conduct an ultrasound scan in the 8th month of her pregnancy. The request was turned down by a scathing remark, “Why are you in a hurry to see your baby?” When labour pain started, she was taken to plantation hospital where the nurses complained of some unidentified problem in delivering the baby. On her way to an external hospital, the delivery took place in the vehicle and the baby was delivered dead. The cause of death was later ascertained to be cardio-respiratory arrest.

These disheartening stories are from World Bank-owned tea gardens in Assam. The two objectives of World Bank are to end extreme poverty, and to promote shared prosperity. True as always, it is actions which speak louder than words. The raw realities from World Bank’s tea gardens exemplify this hypocrisy – rather than ending poverty, it has been exacerbated for tea workers, and far from sharing prosperity, it has only swelled the pockets of tea managers.

The tea workers have only stories of broken promises to tell; broken promises only add to the woe of ‘broken backs’, as they are subjected to rampant human rights violation by their employers. Torture and oppression are not a new thing for this population. In fact, it has a long legacy from the time of Colonialism.

The tea gardens under scanner are those of the Amalgamated Plantations Private Limited (APPL) which is the second largest producer and supplier of tea in India, with 25 plantations spread across the states of Assam and West Bengal and employing around 30,000 workers. APPL is owned by Tata Global Beverages, Tata Investment Corporation, tea workers, and the International Finance Corporation( IFC, private sector side of the World Bank Group).

A new submission to the World Bank’s accountability office by community-based civil society organizations, Promotion and Advancement of Justice, Harmony and Rights of Adivasis (PAJHRA) and People’s Action for Development (PAD), with the assistance of US-based human rights advocacy group Accountability Counsel, underlines the continuing neglect of  workers’ rights by the international body.

A Letter of Agony

The letter submitted on April 27, 2018, in the ninth year of the World Bank’s investment, was prepared after elaborate field consultation with tea workers, by the aforesaid organizations in three APPL tea gardens in Assam: Hattigor, Majuli and Naharoni. It reported six cases of deaths (such as the ones mentioned at the beginning) in the tea plantations in a span of two years. It was argued that these deaths could have been prevented had proper precautions been taken. These incidents have not come to light so far, owing to the strict surveillance on the tea plantations, which is carried out to avoid public scrutiny and to alienate workers. It also speculates more such unreported incidents which might not have surfaced in fear of retaliation by employers.

Worker’s Plight

The letter also describes the plight of workers in the tea gardens. It concludes that the tea workers do not have a safe and healthy environment. They lack adequate housing and sanitation facilities. Houses with leaking roofs and dilapidated toilets with no septic tanks are the norm. Electricity is erratic and rare.

The plantation medical facilities are inadequate. Most often, hospitals are unhygienic and understaffed, doctors come rarely, there is non-availability of medicines, and medical coverage for non-permanent and retired workers is not given. There is also evidence of discriminatory practices by doctors to adivasi workers.

The daily wages for skilled agriculture labour in Assam is ₹280, but the tea workers are paid a meagre salary of ₹137. Civil society organizations in Assam conducted various studies and concluded that tea workers should receive ₹350 per day for leading a dignified life. Workers get their salary truncated if they do not meet the target of 24kg tea leaves per day in the plucking season, which creates the conditions for child labour with children helping their parents in meeting their target.

The only recognized trade union empowered to negotiate with the tea management is Assam Chah Mazdoor Sangha (ACMS). It is known to be close to the management and has a history of opposing demands from tea workers regarding pay increases. It does not represent the true cause of labourers and is authoritarian. Almost a lion’s share of the workforce is women, but this has not translated into an equally proportionate representation in trade unions. This monopolistic arrangement denies workers the right to meaningful association as guaranteed by the Indian Constitution.

Poisoning due to pesticides is another fatal health hazard among tea workers. There is evidence of use of banned pesticides. Most often, the workers are not given adequate protective gear when spraying. Also, the provisions for rotation of sprayers and frequent health checks for them are not carried out.

Furthermore, the IFC ignored the fact that tea workers are indigenous people, despite their having maintained distinct languages and cultural practices, as well as their history of being brought as slaves or indentured labourers from outside the state of Assam by the British tea managers in the time of colonialism.

The Story of APPL

In 2006, the International Finance Corporation (IFC), a part of the World Bank Group focused exclusively on private sector investment in developing countries, decided to partner with Tata by demerging the tea production business from Tata Global Beverages (TGB) by forming a new company called APPL. The IFC purchased equity of 20% and an investment to the tune of US $7.8 billion. The partnership came at a time when the tea industry in Assam suffered from low productivity and high fixed costs which had led to many tea estates being shut down as well as a loss of about 60,000 jobs.

The objective of APPL was to promote a sustainable business model – a “worker shareholder” programme – which allows tea employees to directly wield equity in the company, thereby having the potential to impact the lives of its 30,000 workers. When the dependents of these workers are also counted, the project had a development impact of affecting the lives of 155,000 people of low-income groups, located in poor areas and conflict zones.

Workers hold about 10% shares of the company and the remaining shares are held by Tata Global Beverages (41%), Tata Investment Corp (25%) and the World Bank (16%). The workers were initially offered interest-free loans with which they could buy “preference shares” that had a guaranteed dividend of 6%. In February 2014, these shares were converted to ordinary shares which gave them voting rights and decision-making powers. But this did not materialize into workers finding places on the Board of APPL. Most often, the workers describe that they were coerced and pressurized into buying shares.

An arrangement like this would have gone a long way in leveraging worker’s rights and increasing their prospects as the tea workers in Assam have deplorable socio-economic indicators in the state. The tea worker’s profit in a year is only 0.16 % when compared to rest of the industry. Assam is one of the states with the highest incidents of Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR) in India and 77% of MMR incidents in the state are among female tea workers. Only 14% of the meals a day eaten by female workers are nutritional. And almost 100% tea workers are underpaid.

History Of Abuse

Human rights abuses were reported from APPL plantations from the initial days. In 2009, a pregnant worker, who was denied leave, collapsed during work hours. The following year, another man died after he was exposed to pesticides. These incidents have drawn the ire of workers, trade unions and civil society organizations.

An investigation conducted by International Union of Foodworkers (IUF) in 2010 found shocking incidents of human rights violation in the Powai tea gardens of Assam. The report mentioned widespread use of pesticides, oppression of tea workers by authorities in connivance with state machinery and police. The report found APPL operations contravened international laws and conventions, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Conventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO) and lastly the Constitution of India.

In 2013, community organizations (PAD, PAJHRA and DBSS) who work for the rights of tea workers lodged a complaint with the World Bank’s Compliance Advisory Ombudsman (CAO). The complaint cites long working hours, inadequate compensation, poor hygiene and health conditions, coercion and pressure of plantation workers, and lack of freedom of association, in violation of IFC’s Performance Standards (compliance with this is a minimum requirement of an IFC investment). The complaint also raised concerns about the worker shareholder program.

In 2014, Columbia Law School Human Rights Institute published another account of human rights violations in APPL tea estates, implicating Tata and the World Bank in neglect and demanding urgent action.

CAO Investigation Report

The most important investigation that has come out so far is that of the Bank’s own watchdog, the CAO. The investigation report, dated September 6, 2016, shows grave dereliction of duty on the part of the IFC in ensuring that its pre-investment social and environmental requirements were fulfilled by its client APPL. As mentioned, the IFC Performance Standards on Environmental and Social Sustainability are a set of non-negotiable requirements that a client has to meet for receiving IFC investment. These standards cover aspects like social and environmental risk management, working conditions, health and safety of workers, prevention of pollution,  rights for indigenous people, cultural rights, and land acquisition. Apart from this, the IFC has its own Environment and Social Sustainability Policy that guides its behaviour. The CAO investigation found that APPL operations make a flagrant mockery of these policies and non-compliance with the Performance Standards. Non-compliance ensures that the workers are exploited. 

IFC’s Farcical Response

The IFC defended its behaviour, despite the plethora of scathing findings. However, the investigation by the CAO prodded it into taking some action. In 2014, Tata Global Beverages and APPL agreed to an action plan based on a Tata-commissioned audit in 2014, conducted by an NGO called Solidaridad. In its response to the CAO report, the IFC annexed this action plan called ‘Project Unnati’ (progress), and prioritised a few actions relating to human health indicators over the next two years, including housing improvements, sanitation facilities, and access to clean water. Other findings of the CAO were ignored.

An exposé by organisations, PAJHRA, PAD, Nazdeek, and Accountability Counsel in 2017, called Project Accountabilitea, revealed that Project Unnati was a farce in itself and little action was taken to change the status quo even in the agreed areas. It was revealed that workers were not even consulted in preparing this action plan.

Reckless Development

Various news reports suggest that Tata is planning to sell its stake in APPL owing to high production costs. Civil society organisations PAJHRA, PAD, Nazdeek and Accountability Counsel who are closely associated with workers, demand that in such a scenario, the World Bank should remain invested and work towards the betterment of workers and not be allowed to profit from selling its shares.

This is not the first time that the World Bank has come under the scanner for human rights violations in its internationally-financed development projects. There are several such reports from around the world that implicates the IFC for failing to follow its own environment and social protocols.

In 2013, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists and Huffington Post brought out a report titled, “Evicted and Abandoned”. It found that “3.3 million people were forced from their homes, deprived of their land or had their livelihoods damaged because they lived in the path of a World Bank project.” Another report by Inclusive Development International released in 2017, accuses the IFC of outsourcing its development mandate to opaque and unaccountable private financial institutions.

Reckless development that ignores the human rights of people and the environment is not sustainable. However, this has become the norm in this age of neoliberal finance capital. When an international body like the World Bank has zero commitment to human rights despite its exalted claims, what can we expect from others? It is high time that we revive a rights-based approach to development, in which the human rights of individuals and communities forms the core of any development activity. As Amartya Sen has pointed out, the aim of development should be to enhance the real freedom of people.

The post Rights Denied In The Name Of Development: The ‘World Bank Approach’ In Assam Tea Gardens appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Founder of Janta Ka Reporter Rifat Jawaid tweeted how the block president of Chatra Rashtriya Janata Dal (CRJD) had used abusive language on Twitter against him. In the tweet, he tagged Tejashwi Yadav, the former deputy chief minister of Bihar and the current leader of opposition in the Bihar assembly and Misa Bharti – current Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) MP in the Rajya Sabha. Both are children of RJD national president Lalu Prasad Yadav, who has been convicted in multiple cases related to the fodder scam which involved the embezzlement of  ₹950 crore from the Bihar state treasury from the 1970s to the 1990s.

The response of Tejashwi Yadav was prompt. He tweeted:

Dear @RifatJawaid ,

Thanks for bringing this in my knowledge. I tender sincere apology to you on his behalf. He has been sacked from his post with immediate effect as Block President of Chatra RJD.

We don’t promote or encourage such unsocial elements. Again my apologies. pic.twitter.com/3boGQLB93e

— Tejashwi Yadav (@yadavtejashwi) May 1, 2018

The actions of RJD leader received a lot of praise from many prominent personalities.

NDTV news anchor Nidhi Razdan tweeted in support:

Glad you did this @yadavtejashwi. Hope other parties will do the same https://t.co/9kcL30P5Ph

— Nidhi Razdan (@Nidhi) May 1, 2018

Author and journalist Swati Chaturvedi tweeted:

Great job @yadavtejashwi wish your seniors in politics such as @PMOIndia at least stop following trolls who indulge in daily incitement, death & rape threats. Celebrate the murder of journalists https://t.co/7t3A6Geuz7

— Swati Chaturvedi (@bainjal) May 1, 2018

Business journalist Rohini Singh also came out in support of the former deputy chief minister of Bihar:

This is what leaders of political parties should do with those who abuse. Good going @yadavtejashwi . Hope other parties follow your example in this. https://t.co/swZ27WbbwO

— Rohini Singh (@rohini_sgh) May 1, 2018

Journalist Rifat Jawaid also came out in support of Tejashwi Yadav and lauded his efforts:

Wow! Thank you! Your action is a breath of fresh air in Indian politics. Hope other leaders particularly PM @narendramodi learns from you. Thanks once again https://t.co/H7WEubNzLh

— Rifat Jawaid (@RifatJawaid) May 1, 2018

Janta Ka Reporter would also go on to write a post praising the actions of Tejashwi Yadav.

While trolling has become a major concern in the online space, especially on Twitter, should we see the actions of Tejashwi Yadav as part of a politics to clean up ‘unsocial’ elements within his party? The effort certainly needs to be lauded if it was done for that purpose. However, that probably was not the case since activities of certain members of the  Rashtriya Janata Dal, including the national president of the party Lalu Prasad Yadav and his eldest son and RJD leader Tej Pratap Yadav have come under a lot of criticism.

For example, let us begin by taking the example of some of the actions of RJD national president Lalu Yadav who is currently serving his sentence for being convicted in multiple cases related to the fodder scam. In June 2017, when Lalu Prasad Yadav was questioned by a Republic TV journalist for his relations with convicted-criminal politician Mohammad Shahabuddin, he ended up shouting at the journalist. When the journalist said, “Savaal pooch rahe hain aapse (Asking you a question.), he responded by saying, “Apne baap se poocho.” (Ask your father.).

On the very same day, when another Republic TV journalist told Lalu Prasad Yadav that he had misbehaved with the reporter, the veteran politician lost his cool and said,”Fir wahi baat kar raha hai. De denge dumka naach ke gir jayega.” (Again, saying the same thing. Will punch you so hard that you’ll dance and fall.)

Republic TV had been aggressively going after the corruption charges against both Lalu Prasad Yadav and other members of his family. On the day of the launch of the channel last year in May 2017, it had released the audio tape of a phone conversation between Lalu Yadav and Mohammad Shahabuddin, who was lodged in jail. Lalu Yadav had later accepted in a rally in Siwan that it indeed was his voice in the tape which the Republic TV had exposed.

As recently as February 2018, Hena Shahab, the wife of Mohammad Shahabuddin was included in the national executive committee of the Rashtriya Janata Dal.

It’s not just Lalu Yadav. His eldest son has had to face the brunt of many controversies as well.

In June 2017, RJD worker Sanoj Yadav had alleged that Tej Pratap Yadav had given him death threats and used abusive language against him in an iftaar party which had been organised by the RJD leader Lalu Prasad Yadav. He had also claimed that Lalu Prasad Yadav was present at the spot but did not intervene. Sanoj Yadav would later go on to join the Bharatiya Janata Party.

While the above allegation has not been proven yet, Tej Pratap Yadav has been shown on camera making many controversial statements in the last two years. In July 2016, Tej Pratap Yadav had threatened to file a defamation case against a journalist if he did not delete a particular video of Tej Yadav going through the clicks of a press photographer.

In October 2016, he had said, “Is Sushil Modi’s son impotent?”

In November 2017, Tej Pratap Yadav had also threatened to vandalise the wedding of Sushil Modi’s son.

In the same month, Tej Pratap Yadav had said,”… Narendra Modi ka khaal udharwa denge hum.” (… will skin Narendra Modi…) This was after Lalu Yadav’s Z plus security had been withdrawn by the central government.

It’s not just members of the family of Tejashwi Yadav, who have been caught in such controversies. In an audio tape of a phone conversation which got leaked in June 2017, a voice said to be of RJD MLA Neeraj Yadav was heard threatening a journalist from Prabhat Khabar. In the conversation, he can be heard saying, “…goli maar denge tumhare mooh mein…” (will shoot you in your mouth), apart from using a series of expletives such as ‘madarchod’, ‘randi ka aulad‘ and ‘behnchod‘. It was reported by Hindi news channels and papers, however, was not covered in the English media. Neeraj Yadav in a press conference had denied that the voice was his.

However, the RJD did not carry out any investigation nor did they suspend the MLA.

In October 2016, media reports had said that Lalu Prasad Yadav had met suspended RJD MLA Raj Ballabh Yadav, who is accused of raping a 15-year-old minor girl.

According to a report released by the Association for Democratic Reforms in November 2017, 46 of the 80 RJD MLAs had criminal cases against them, out of which 34 were very serious in nature.

Is there any point in publicising the action taken against block level leaders for online abuse when the national president is a convict in a scam worth hundreds of crores, important leaders threaten violence and almost half of the party MLAs have serious criminal cases against them?

Abuse on Twitter and online hate is a major concern which needs strong action from political parties. However, when this is done in isolation, it seems nothing more than a marketing gimmick.

_

Image source: Tejashwi Yadav/ Facebook, Rifat Jawaid/Twitter

The post Tejashwi Yadav Sacking RJD Member For Online Abuse Was Just A Marketing Gimmick appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

लड़कियों की कामयाबी की फेहरिस्त कितनी ही लंबी क्यों ना होती चली जाए लेकिन भारतीय पुरूषों की लड़कियों को लेकर सोच बदली नहीं है। ग्रामीण इलाकों और छोटे शहरों में आज भी लड़कियों को कहा जाता है कि शाम ढलने के बाद वे घर से बाहर न निकलें। देर रात घर से बाहर जाते वक्त यदि किसी लड़की के साथ कोई अप्रिय घटना घटित होती है, तब भी आंच लड़कियों पर ही आती है। ये समाज उन्हें बद्चलन और बिगड़ैल जैसे शब्दों से संबोधित करता है।

खासकर उन लड़कियों को अधिक परेशानी होती है जो नाइट शिफ्ट वाली नौकरी के बाद या फिर किन्हीं कारणों से देर रात घर लौटती हैं। इस दौरान सड़कें सुनसान होती हैं और अकसर कैब ड्राइवर्स उन्हें कॉलोनी के बाहर वाली सड़क पर ड्रॉप कर देते हैं। और लड़कों को लगता है कि देर से घर लौटने वाली लड़कियां जैसे उनकी प्रॉपर्टी हैं। ये लड़के कई बार अपनी यौन कुंठा से ग्रसित होकर रात को अकेली घर लौट रही लड़की से पूछते हैं “कितने में चलेगी।”

इस विषय पर खुद की राय रखने से पहले हमने सोचा कि क्यों न किसी बेबाक लड़की से बात की जाए। दिल्ली के रोहिणी में रहने वाली दीक्षा सेलेस्टे सिंह से हमने बात की जिन्होंने अभी हाल ही में बैचलर ऑफ जर्नलिज़्म की पढाई पूरी की। दीक्षा बताती हैं कि लड़कियां तब तक ही महफूज़ होती हैं जब तक कि वे अपने घरों में रहती हैं (हालांकि इसकी भी कोई गारंटी नहीं है)। घर से बाहर कदम रखने के बाद उन्हें हर मोड़ पर ‘यौन हिंसा’ का सामना करना पड़ता है। “माल” और “कंटाप” जैसे वाहियात शब्दों से हर पल उनका सामना होता है।

दीक्षा अपनी सहेली एलीना का ज़िक्र करते हुए आगे बताती हैं कि एलीना एक बार अपने दोस्तों के साथ देर रात घर लौट रही थी। दोस्तों ने उन्हें कॉलोनी के बाहर ड्रॉप कर दिया और वहां से उसे गली के काफी अंदर तक जाना था। इसी दौरान लड़कों के एक समूह ने एलीना से कहा कि कितने में चलेगी। चल ना दोस्तों के साथ एंजॉय करके तो आई है। अपन के साथ भी थोड़ी मस्ती कर ले।

एलीना किसी तरह से उनका पीछा छुड़ाकर घर पहुंची और अपने पेरेन्ट्स से उन आवारा लड़कों की शिकायत की। वे लड़के भी उसी कॉलोनी के थे जहां एलीना रहती थी। एलीना के पेरेन्ट्स ने जब उन लड़कों के घर वालों से इस बात की शिकायत की तब उन्होंने एलीना को लूज़ कैरेक्टर बताते हुए कहा कि आपकी लड़की तो है ही वैसी जो देर रात तक बाहर घूमती है।

दीक्षा अब एक दूसरी घटना का ज़िक्र करते हुए बताती हैं कि अभी हाल ही में, मैं दिल्ली के एक मशहूर नाइट क्लब में गई थी जहां एक अजनबी लड़का आकर मेरी हिप्स को टच करता है और फिर जाकर किसी नॉर्थ ईस्टर्न लड़की के हिप्स पर स्पैंक करने लग जाता है।
इस दौरान मैं अपने एक फ्रेंड से बात कर रही थी जिसने मेरे कंधे पर हाथ रखा था। इतने ही में वो लड़का फिर से आकर मेरे कंधे पर हाथ रखता है। जब मैं उसके हाथ को अपने कंधे से हटाती हूं, तब गुस्से में मुझसे कहता है कि आपने मेरा हाथ क्यों हटाया? मेरे विरोध करने पर नौबत लड़ाई झगड़े की आ गई। वो खुद को इंस्पेक्टर बताकर हमें धमकियां देने लग गया। फिर धीरे-धीरे मामला शांत हो गया।

उसी रात मेरे साथ एक और इंसिडेंट हुआ जब मैं अपने दोस्तों के साथ उसी क्लब में खड़ी थी और एक अंजान लड़का मेरे बालों पर हाथ फेरते हुए चला गया। मैं और मेरी फ्रेंड ने जब बाहर जाकर उस लड़के के प्रति नाराज़गी दिखाई, तब उसने माफी मांग ली और फिर हम अंदर प्रवेश कर गए। इसके बाद वो लड़का जबरदस्ती हमारे समाने आकर डांस करने लगा और फिर से वैसी हरकतें करने लग गया। हमने जब बाउंसर्स से शिकायत की तब उन्हें धक्के मारकर बाहर निकाल दिया गया।

हमारे समाज में ऐसी लड़कियों की संख्या बहुत कम है जो अन्याय के खिलाफ अपनी आवाज़ बुलंद कर विरोध प्रकट करती हैं। ऐसे मामलों में औसत लड़कियां भय से चुप्पी साध लेती हैं जो इन लड़कों के हौसले को और मज़बूती दे देता है। जिस प्रकार दीक्षा ने नाइट क्लब में लड़कों की बद्तमिज़ी का विरोध किया, ज़रूरत है वैसे ही देश के हर इंसान को अन्याय के खिलाफ अपनी आवाज़ बुलंद करने की।

The post “देर रात घर लौटने और नाइट क्लब जाने वाली लड़कियां तुम्हारी जागीर नहीं” appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

“Oh, how do you manage being on the field and your life at home?”

If we were to reply to this question, with one of our own, we would say, “Dear Male Colleague, Are You Ever Asked this Question?”

Today is World Press Freedom Day, a day to celebrate freedom of thought across media platforms. For the past 16 years, at Khabar Lahariya, we’ve been putting forth our reports, opinions, commentaries, and analyses in a completely independent manner, right through our print and digital forms. A lot has changed in these 16 years, and a lot hasn’t – our male colleagues in the field and their unending well of wisdom has been unchanging! And honestly, we’re so sick of listening to them give us advice upon advice, always unasked for, that we thought we’d give them some advice of our own, on this day.

So, here’s our Open letter to all the male colleagues we’ve ever worked with, will work with in the future, across our districts, and indeed, even outside.

First off, please stop telling us how we must cover “women’s issues”. ‘There’s been a rape case, you must go and report on it at once’, or ‘Oh, did you hear about that girl who’s abducted her boyfriend from his wedding? Where have you been all day?’. We want to ask you, is this not a news report for you? And if it is, then may we suggest reporting on it in an unbiased style, free of all your prejudices? And not try and make it into a sensationalist piece of news, for once! We’re quite sick of reading your ‘Mother of three runs off with boyfriend’ kind of “news stories”. It’s high time you put an end to this.

We know very well that you all have friends in high places, and perhaps it’s good to have some contacts being reporters. But it would do you good to demarcate the boundaries between your professional duties and your personal relationships. Your first line of responsibility should be towards your work. So, imagine our fury when all you male reporters laugh along with a neta as he cracks sexist jokes about having two wives –“gharwali” and “baharwali”. Isn’t his something that tarnishes your reputation as a professional journalist?

Please stop interfering in our personal lives; it’s really not part of your job description. So, stop asking us questions along the lines of ‘Are you married?’, ‘How come you don’t wear sindoor, mangalsutra, et cetera?’, ‘Why are you wearing a suit today, no sari?’ et cetera et cetera.

Do us a big favour and keep your fake concern for our safety to yourself. ‘Sister, it’s midnight, and you’re outdoors! All well?’ is a question we never wish to hear again. We’re responsible for our own safety, and if we feel the need for support, we know to rally around our sisterhood – we gain courage from it. None of you has ever stepped forward to help us here, in any case. If we’ve ever told you about men harassing us over the phone, you’ve asked us, unblinkingly, to ‘change your number, madam’. We ask of you today, is that something you would do? Tell us, why are all these expectations only our burdens?

Plenty among you are editors and senior members of large media organisations. We still recall how you all responded during a research we conducted on the role of local, rural women being potential field reporters. You all said how women are liabilities, how they can’t go into the field alone, how they need maternity leave, and how they really can’t be expected to report on important issues. At the time of this research, we took away a big finding dear men. And it was this. The women reporters we met, told us about instances of sexual harassment they faced inside the office.

We love working on digital platforms and using technology, but you’re all here too, your disgusting, regressive attitudes in tow. If you see us online on WhatsApp in the late night hours, we’re sure to get texts from you. ‘Nice DP’, ‘How come you’re online at this time?’, ‘Who’re you chatting with?’ Many of you think nothing of video-calling us! We’ve lost count of how many numbers we’ve had to block because of sleazy, unprofessional men like you. But today, we’re really wondering: Why must we leave a WhatsApp group because you men have no control? Because you can’t help yourself from sharing sexist jokes, using swear words, putting up obscene photographs and video clips?

The world is in the churning of a revolution. Women are saying ‘No more’, they’re sharing their pain and distress with movements such as #MeToo, through lists on social media. We are part of this revolution, and this open letter is our contribution to it. Listen hard.

And read it once more, we suggest. You might just be the all-knowing male colleague we want to reach out to today.

The post An Open Letter To Our Male Colleagues In The Media, From Khabar Lahariya Editors appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

कल देर रात एक वीडियो के रूप में तस्वीरें देखी। कलकत्ता मेट्रो में दो वयस्क, जो अपनी मर्ज़ी से प्रेम में हैं, गले मिल रहे थे। कुछ लोग जिन्हें प्रेम से परहेज़ था, उन्होंने प्रेम में डूबे दो लोगों के साथ मारपीट की। ये वो लोग हैं, जिन्हें कभी प्रेम हुआ ही नहीं। आज भी यह प्रेम के नाम पर ड्यूटी पूरी करते हैं।

इन्हें नहीं पता कि जब मेट्रो अपने आखिरी स्टेशन की तरफ बढ़ती है तो आप जिससे प्यार करते हैं, उसका हाथ छोड़ना कैसा होता है। वो दिन की आखिरी हंसी, नोक-झोक, चुम्बन और गले लगने की ज़रूरत को नहीं समझते। ये लोग प्रेम के नाम पर सिर्फ ड्यूटी निभाते हैं। लेकिन वीडियो में दो वयस्क प्रेम में हैं। लड़के ने अपने प्रेम की तरफ उठने वाले हर सवाल का जवाब दिया और लड़की ने अपने प्रेम पर चलने वाले हर हाथ को रोका। प्रेम का इससे अच्छा उदाहरण नहीं मिल सकता।

देश को तो हमने बांट ही दिया है, जब देश छोटा पड़ गया तो हमने प्रेम को भी अलग-अलग रंग, जाति और धर्म के नाम पर बांट दिया। लेकिन हम भूल गए कि प्रेम बगावत करना सिखा ही देता है। लेकिन हम तब भी चुप नहीं हुए, बगावत को ‘लव – जिहाद’ का नाम दे दिया। अब इन ड्यूटी पेशा लोगों को कौन समझाए कि इस देश में प्रेम में होना किसी जिहाद से कम थोड़ी है। इससे पहले कि ऊपर लिखी हुई लाइन्स पढ़कर आप मुझे राष्ट्र विरोधी घोषित कर दें, बता दूं कि अरबी के शब्द ‘जिहाद’ का वही मतलब है जो हिंदी में ‘संघर्ष’ का है।

संघर्ष है प्रेम इस देश में, आपको इस देश में प्रेम करने की इजाज़त नहीं है। और अगर आपको प्रेम हुआ भी तो उसके लिए समाज ने पहले से ही एक नियमावली बना रखी है। अरेंज मैरेज में आपकी कुंडली में 36 गुण मिले न मिले, प्रेम की इस नियमावली की सारी शर्तें पूरी होनी चाहिए। धर्म, जात, रंग, उम्र, आर्थिक स्थिति- इनमें से अगर कुछ भी ऊपर नीचे हुआ तो ये समाज आपको प्रेम करने की अनुमति नहीं देता। अब आप ही बताइए, प्रेम इस देश में एक जिहाद है या नहीं?

जब धीरे-धीरे प्रेम समाज के चोचलों से ऊपर उठा तो लोगों ने प्रेम की हत्या करनी शुरू कर दी। इस देश में बीफ खाना, आवाज़ उठाना और हक मांगना देशद्रोह है और प्रेम में होनी वाली हत्याएं राष्ट्रीय एकता का प्रतीक। समाज ने प्रेम को भी इज्ज़त से जोड़ लिया। इज्ज़त की आड़ में समाज आपको हर अवैध चीज़ की अनुमति देता है। पत्नी इज्ज़त है लेकिन आप उसका रेप कर सकते हैं या उस पर रोज़ हाथ उठा कर अपने आप को ज़्यादा मर्द महसूस कर सकते हैं। लेकिन अगर आपको प्रेम हो गया तो आप असामाजिक हो गए। सामाजिक होने के लिए किसी की मदद करना, बच्चों को पढ़ाना, रक्तदान करना, परस्पर प्रेम से रहना अनिवार्य नहीं है, आपको बस प्रेम नहीं होना चाहिए किसी से।

राष्ट्रीय अपराध रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो (NCRB) की रिपोर्ट समाज की विकृत मानसिकता को दर्शाती है। भारत में प्रेम के नाम पर हत्या, जिसे हम अंग्रेज़ी में ऑनर किलिंग कहते हैं, उसमें 796 प्रतिशत की बढ़ोतरी हुई है। मध्य प्रदेश, गुजरात और उत्तरप्रदेश में प्रेम के लिए कोई जगह नहीं है। इस रिपोर्ट के आकड़ें पुलिस में दर्ज की गयी शिकायतों के आधार पर तैयार किये गए हैं। इस देश में ऐसे कई माँ-बाप हैं जिन्होंने अपनी झूठी शान के लिए अपने बच्चों की निर्मम हत्या कर दी और समाज ने उस पर चुप हो कर सहमति दी।

समाज का खून प्रेमियों पर ही क्यूं खौलता है? पेट्रोल की कीमत, महंगाई दर, किसान की आत्महत्या, पानी की किल्लत, ग्लोबल वार्मिंग, बेरोज़गारी, राजनितिक दोगलेपन पर क्यूं नहीं खौलता? मैं बताती हूं- गलती समाज की नहीं है, हमारी है कि हमने समाज के बनाये गए हर अनुचित नियमों को चुप हो कर समर्थन किया।

प्रेम को समाज के साथ हमने भी पाप का दर्ज़ा दे दिया। प्रेम पर कभी खुल कर बातचीत नहीं की, हम डरपोक हैं। डर था कि अगर खुल कर प्रेम जैसे आपत्तिजनक विषय पर बात की तो समाज क्या कहेगा? क्या सोचेगा? ताने मारेगा? हम धर्म और जात जैसी संवेदनशील विषयों पर अपनी राय देने से नहीं हिचकिचाते, क्यूंकि धर्म और जात पर राय रखना हमें बुद्धिजीवी बनाता है और प्रेम पर तो कोई राय हो भी नहीं सकती। हमने ही प्रेम को पाप बनाया और हत्या को सत्य।

प्रेम को बस प्रेम रहने देते हैं, सादा, कोई रंग नहीं चढ़ाते हैं सांस लेने देते हैं, गले लगने देते हैं, हंसने-रोने देते हैं। प्रेम अकेला काफी है इस समाज के सही निर्माण के लिए, हम पत्थर नहीं बनते हैं, हम प्रेम के पथिक बनते हैं।

बेहतर होगा हम प्रेम करना सीख लें, नफरत की आग में भारत, पाकिस्तान, सीरिया या यूं कहें कि पूरी दुनिया जल रही है। प्रेम कभी आंखों को नहीं चुभता। तो अब प्रेम कर लेते हैं, शायद उसके बाद ये दुनिया देखने लायक बचे।

The post “इस देश में प्रेम में होना किसी जिहाद से कम नहीं है” appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

साल 2012 की बात है, मेरा ग्रैजुएशन कम्प्लीट ही हुआ था। कॉलेज, हंसी-मज़ाक, दोस्तों में रुठना मनाना और थोड़ी बहुत नौकरी की चिंता, मेरी ज़िन्दगी की गाड़ी बस इन्हीं चीज़ों के इर्द-गिर्द चल रही थी। कुल मिलाकर मैं अल्लहड़पन के साथ अपनी ज़िन्दगी जी रही थी।

लेकिन, उसी साल शहर के एक दूसरे कोने में मेरी बचपन की दोस्त की ज़िन्दगी इतनी आसान नहीं थी। अल्लहड़पना का तो कई अंश ही नहीं था उसके जीवन में। उस वक्त उसके जीवन का मतलब, दोस्त, पढ़ाई, कॉलेज या नौकरी नहीं था बल्कि उसकी ज़िन्दगी की तस्वीर पति, पति की ज़बरदस्ती, मैरिटल रेप, शरीर पर दर्जनों चोटों के ज़ख्म से भरी हुई थी। वो हमारे उस समाज की शिकार बन चुकी थी, जहां औरतों का अस्तित्व सिर्फ शादी और पति की जागीर तक समेट दिया जाता है।

लेकिन, मुझे खुशी है कि मेरी उस दोस्त ने समाज को उसकी औकात दिखाते हुए अपनी ज़िन्दगी अपने हाथों लिखने का फैसला किया और आज 6 साल बाद भी उसका विरोध और संघर्ष जारी है।

स्कूल के बाद मेरी इस दोस्त से मेरा कोई संपर्क नहीं था, हमलोग ज़िन्दगी के अपने-अपने रास्तों की ओर बढ़ चुके थे। कई सालों बाद हाल ही में मेरी उससे मुलाकात हुई और तभी मुझे उसके इस संघर्ष के बारे में पता चला।

मेरी दोस्त के घर वालों ने ज़बरदस्ती उसकी शादी करवा दी थी। और उस इंसान के लिए मेरी दोस्त एक पत्नी नहीं बल्कि पत्नी के रूप में उसे अपनी शारीरिक इच्छा पूरी करने की एक मशीन मिल गई थी। जिस उम्र में आपको सेक्स की कुछ ज़्यादा समझ नहीं होती है, उस वक्त सेक्स से हैवानयित के रूप में सामना हो, तो जीवन डरावनी लगने लगती है, प्यार का यह रूप एक खौफनाक डर बन जाता है।

मेरी दोस्त का शादी से पहले एक प्यारा सा प्रेम संबंध भी था और यहां जातीय अंतर का भी कोई मसला नहीं था। दोनों एक ही जाति से ताल्लुक रखते थे। लेकिन, परिवार वालों ने ज़बरदस्ती उसकी शादी कहीं और करवा दी। मेरी दोस्त का कहना है,

“मैंने काफी विनती की लेकिन घर वालों ने मेरे साथ इमोश्नल खेल खेलना शुरू कर दिया। मां की धमकियां मिली कि अगर मैंने ज़िद की तो वो गंगा में डूबकर अपनी जान दे देंगी। अब मैं इतनी भी मतलबी तो थी नहीं कि मैं अपनी खुशी के लिए अपनी मां की जान दांव पर लगा देती। हालांकि, वो मुझे मौत की ओर ही ढकेल रही थीं।”

ज़ोर ज़बरदस्ती के बाद उसकी शादी हो गई। शादी के बाद वो अपने पति के साथ दिल्ली आ चुकी थी। लेकिन, पति की नियत और उसका रंग सामने आने में थोड़ा भी वक्त नहीं लगा। पति उसी समाज की उपज था, जहां शादी के बाद पुरुष को अपनी पत्नी के रूप में यौन इच्छा पूरी करनी की एक मशीन मिल जाती है। जहां स्त्री की सहमति का तो कोई सवाल ही नहीं होता। अपने पति की शारीरिक ज़रूरत पूरा करना उसका परम धर्म जो मान लिया जाता है। अब इस धर्म में थोड़ी भी असहमति का परिणाम पत्नी के शरीर पर ज़ख्म के निशान के रूप में सामने आता है और ये ज़ख्म इतना गहरा होता है कि उसकी टीस उस लड़की के मन में हमेशा के लिए घर कर लेती है।

मेरी दोस्त के जीवन में भी ऐसी ही घटना घट रही थी। जबरन सेक्स, मारपीट रोज़ाना की बात हो गई थी। एक दफा जब उसने दिल्ली में ही रह रहे अपने भाई से इस मारपीट की शिकायत भी करनी चाही तो उल्टे उसके भाई ने उसके चरित्र पर ही सवाल उठा दिया। भाई ने उसके पति से कहा, “अरे मेरी बहन तो है ही कैरेक्टरलेस।”

कितना कुंठित है ना हमारा समाज, लड़कियों की कैरेक्टर सर्टिफिकेट देने में सबसे पहले आगे रहता है। लड़की अगर किसी से प्रेम करे तो वो कैरेक्टरलेस, लड़की अपनी मनमर्ज़ी से कपड़े पहने तो वो कैरेक्टरलेस, लड़की अगर ज़ोर से बात कर ले तो वो कैरेक्टरलेस, लड़की अगर देर रात तक बाहर घूमे तो वो कैरेक्टरलेस।

मेरी दोस्त ने तो प्रेम भी किया था, बॉयफ्रेंड भी बनाया था और वैसा शारीरिक संबंध जहां प्रेम का छोटा सा भी अंश नहीं बल्कि हैवानियत की भूख थी उसका विरोध भी कर रह थी, अब ऐसी लड़की को चरित्रहीन बताना तो इस समाज के लिए बहुत आसान था। लेकिन, समाज की इस भीड़ में उसका अपना भाई ही ऐसा करेगा उसने शायद ही सोचा होगा।

खैर, उसे अब मालूम पड़ चुका था कि उसके साथ कोई खड़ा नहीं होने वाला है। इसलिए अंतत: उसने वो घर छोड़ दिया।

मेरी दोस्त का कहना है कि अगर लड़का सही होता तो मैं उस रिश्ते को ज़रूर कबूल करती। मैंने उसके साथ मुश्किल से तीन महीने गुज़ारे और वो तीन महीना मेरे लिए किसी नरक से कम नहीं था। इसी वजह से एक दिन मैंने अपनी पति के ऑफिस जाने के बाद अपना बैग पैक किया और पटना की गाड़ी पकड़ ली। मुझे कुछ नहीं पता था कि मैं आगे क्या करने वाली हूं, कहां जाने वाली हूं, मेरे साथ क्या होने वाला था। मगर इतना पता था कि आगे जो भी होगा इससे तो बेहतर ही होगा।

मेरी दोस्त वहां से सीधे पटना की ट्रेन पकड़कर अपने घर चली गई। ज़ाहिर सी बात है कि परिवार वालों के लिए ये बात पचाना इतना आसान नहीं था। उन्हें लगा शायद ये कुछ दिनों बाद वापस चली जाएगी। उसके घर से भागने के साथ ही उसके पति ने उसके खिलाफ घर से गहने और पैसे लेकर भागने का केस दर्ज कर दिया। लेकिन, केस की कोई ठोस बुनियाद नहीं बनने की वजह से केस धाराशायी हो गया।

इसके बाद मेरी दोस्त ने अपने पति से तलाक लेने का फैसला किया। उसने अपने पति से कहा कि आप मुझे तलाक दे दीजिए, लेकिन यहां भी एक पुरुष के अहम पर हमला होने जैसा था कि एक औरत उसे कैसे छोड़ सकती है। बस फिर क्या, उसने कहा, “जाओ कर लो केस मैं नहीं दे रहा तलाक।”

उसके घर से भागने के बाद एक दफा उसका पति उसके घर पटना भी आया। लेकिन, उसे मनाने या ले जाने नहीं बल्कि उसने उसकी मां के सामने गंदी निगाहों के साथ कहा, “तुम जैसी चीज़ को कौन छोड़ना चाहेगा।” मेरी दोस्त का कहना है कि उस वक्त मेरी मां ने उस आदमी को कुछ भी नहीं कहा। मेरी मां के लिए भी मैं अपने पति की संपत्ति थी और कोई अपनी संपत्ति को किसी भी निगाह से देखे, कैसे भी इस्तेमाल करे किसी को क्या फर्क पड़ता है।

उसने अपनी एक दोस्त की मदद से वकील का पता लगाकर फैमिली कोर्ट में केस दर्ज करवा दिया। फिर अकेले ही कभी वकील तो कभी कोर्ट के चक्कर काटने का सिलसिला शुरू हो गया। रवींद्र नाथ की “एकला चॉलो” वाली राह पर वो निकल चुकी थी। कोर्ट की हर डेट पर वो अकेली ही जाती। वकील के पैसे के लिए उसने पटना के एक प्राइवेट स्कूल में पढ़ाना शुरू किया। उस वक्त मेरी दोस्त ने सिर्फ इंटर तक ही पढ़ाई की थी। लेकिन अब उसे एहसास हुआ कि ज़िन्दगी खुद के बलबूते जीने और ज़िन्दगी की ऐसी मुश्किल लड़ाई के लिए पढ़ाई बेहद ज़रूरी है। इसके बाद वो नौकरी, पढ़ाई और तलाक के केस इन तीनों गाड़ियों पर सवार होकर अपने सफर पर चलना शुरू कर दिया। वो आज अपना एम कॉम पूरा करके दिल्ली में नौकरी कर रही है।

उसे अभी तक अपने पति से तलाक नहीं मिला है, पिछले 6 सालों से चल रही उसकी ये लड़ाई आज भी जारी है। हालांकि तलाक का मामला लगभग निपटने ही वाला था। कोर्ट के आदेश के अनुसार उस आदमी को 10 लाख रुपये मेरी दोस्त को देने पड़ते। लेकिन, तभी उस आदमी ने चालाकी दिखाते हुए मेरी दोस्त के भाई को फोन लगाकर कहा कि भईया अब इतने सालों से ये सब चल रहा है, अब इसको खत्म करते हैं। मैं ढाई लाख रुपया दे दूंगा। जबकि इससे कई ज़्यादा रकम मेरी दोस्त के घर वालों ने शादी के दौरान दहेज के रूप में लड़के वालों को दिए थे।

फिर क्या जिस भाई ने इतने सालों से मेरी दोस्त के केस से दूरी बनाकर रखी थी अब वो मीडियेटर बन चुके थे। मेरी दोस्त ने कहा कि मैं लड़ सकती थी अपने भाई से, लेकिन हम तमाम दुत्कारों के बावजूद अपने परिवार की खुशी के आगे झुक जाते हैं। मैंने भी वही किया अब मैं ढाई लाख में मान चुकी हूं और अब शायद एक-दो डेट के बाद हमारा तलाक हो जाएगा।

मेरी दोस्त जैसे-जैसे अपनी कहानी बता रही थी मेरी उसके प्रति इज्ज़त बढ़ते जा रही थी। तमाम घटनाक्रम के बाद भी वो एक खुशमिज़ाज लड़की है। जिसे देखकर आप सोच ही नहीं सकते कि उसके अंदर इतना तूफान चल रहा है। उसने मुझसे कहा यार हमने कभी बचपन में सोचा भी था कि हमारा जीवन कुछ ऐसा हो जाएगा… उसकी इस बात का मैं कोई जवाब नहीं दे पाई बस सर झुकाकर ज़मीन की ओर देखने लगी।

आज कई बार उसे सुनने को मिलता है, “ये तो अपने पति की ही नहीं हो सकी”। हर बात में उसे ऐसे ताने सुनाकर ज़लील करने की कोशिश की जाती है। लेकिन मेरी दोस्त का कहना है कि मैं अब इन बातों को गौर ही नहीं करती, इन तानों पर अपना समय बर्बाद करने से बेहतर अपने जीवन में आगे बढ़ना है।

मैंने अपनी दोस्त की कहानी सिर्फ इसलिए बताई क्योंकि शायद इस कहानी से दूसरी लड़कियों/औरतों को भी हिम्मत मिले। अपने जीवन में विद्रोही होने की, कोई साथ ना हो तो अकेले ही संघर्ष के रास्ते पर चल पड़ने की और इस तथाकथित पुरुष प्रधान समाज को एक औरत की ताकत दिखाने की। क्योंकि इस समाज में हम औरतों का विद्रोही होना बहुत ज़रूरी है।

The post घर वालों की मर्ज़ी के खिलाफ पति से तलाक की लड़ाई लड़ रही मेरी दोस्त तुम मिसाल हो appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

गले मिलना कोई बुरी बात नहीं है। ना जाने जीवन में ऐसे कितने मौके आते हैं जब आप किसी  इंसान को गले लगाते हैं। गले मिलना स्वभाव प्रदर्शन की एक उपयुक्त विधि है। यह तरीका दिखाता है कि आप उस व्यक्ति की परवाह करते हैं और हर अच्छे बुरे समय में उसका साथ देंगे। एक ये भाव ही तो होता है जो निकटता दर्शाता है। प्रेम और ममता की निशब्द अभिव्यक्ति आखिर गले लगाने से बेहतर और क्या हो सकती  है?

एक मां ममता की आसक्ति में अपने बच्चे को गले लगा लेती है, कई खुशी और गम के मौकों पर एक भाई अपनी बहन को तथा एक पति अपनी पत्नी को गले लगा लेते हैं। क्रिकेटर मैदान पर खुशी और एकता के प्रदर्शन के लिए एक दूसरे को गले लगा लेते हैं तो बॉलीवुड के बहुत सारे कार्यक्रमों के मंच पर कलाकार और निर्माता निर्देशक भी गले मिलते दिखाई देते हैं।

यहां तक कि हमारे देश के प्रधानमंत्री भी किसी विदेशी मेहमान के आने पर कई बार प्रोटोकोल तोड़कर गले लगाकर भारतीय सरज़मीं पर उनका स्वागत करते दिखाई देते हैं। यही नहीं स्वर्गीय प्रधानमंत्री इंदिरा गांधी को भी वर्षों पहले क्यूबा के राष्ट्रपति फिदेल कास्त्रो ने स्नेह से गले लगाया था। यह किसी को धन्यवाद देने के लिए किया जाता है जो खुशी प्रकट करता है। यह बहुत सारे संदेश देता है क्योंकि यह दिल की गहराई तक महसूस होता है।

लेकिन मुझे नहीं पता कोलकाता मेट्रो में सफर कर रहे कपल की गले मिलने की वजह से लोग क्यों उग्र हो गये। कहीं ऐसा तो नहीं कि कुछ लोग गले लगने को सिर्फ सेक्स से जोड़कर देखते हों और किसी ऐसे मोके पर ऐसी स्थिति का विरोध करने उतर आते हो?

गले लगने की वजह से ही पिछले साल तिरुअनंतपुरम के एक स्कूल में बारहवीं के दो स्टूडेंट्स निलंबित कर दिए गए थे लड़के ने किसी सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम के दौरान लड़की की तारीफ करते हुए उसे गले लगा लिया था स्कूल प्रबंधन को उनका गले लगना नागवार गुज़रा था। इससे अंदाज़ा लगाया जा सकता है कि जहां गले मिलना पूरी दुनिया में प्रेम का प्रतीक है वहां भारत में इसे सेक्स का प्रतीक समझा जाता है।

मुझे कई वर्ष पहले की एक घटना याद है जब एक युवक अपनी पत्नी को स्टेशन पर छोड़ने आया था। ट्रेन आ गयी थी, उसनें जल्दबाज़ी में कुछ ज़्यादा न कहकर पत्नी के गले लगा लिया था। जो पास खड़े पुलिस वालों को रास नहीं आया और उसके खिलाफ अश्लीलता फैलाने का मामला दर्ज कर लिया था। हालांकि बाद में उसे कोर्ट ने उन्हें बरी ही नहीं किया बल्कि पुलिस वालों को हिदायत देते हुए कहा था आपको अपराध रोकने के लिए नियुक्त किया गया न कि किसी को उनके परस्पर लगाव के प्रदर्शन करने से रोकने के लिए।

हो सकता है यह बात किसी संस्कृति के कथित रखवाले को बुरी लगे। मैं खुले में सेक्स का प्रोत्साहन नहीं कर रहा हूं पर प्रेम से आलिंगन पर कोई एतराज़ नहीं होना चाहिए। क्योंकि इसका सरल अर्थ यह होता है कि आप एक दूसरे के करीब रहना चाहते हैं और इस पल को समेटना चाहते हैं।

बताया जा रहा है इस घटना के विरोध में कोलकाता के युवाओं ने विरोध करने का एक अनूठा तरीका अपनाया। उन्होंने कोलकाता में मेट्रो स्टेशन के बाहर फ्री हग कैंपेन शुरू किया। युवाओं का कहना है कि गले लगना प्यार का संकेत है। युवाओं के हाथों में पोस्टर भी दिखे जिसपर “हैशटैग फ्री हग” जैसे स्लोगन लिखे थे। कैंपेन में शामिल युवाओं ने कहा कि जिन लोगों ने प्रेमी युगल की पिटाई की, उनका व्यवहार दिखाता है कि उनकी आंखों में दोष है।

दरअसल गले लगने को अभी भी हमारे यहां कई जगह बेशर्मी का प्रदर्शन समझा जाता है। कुछ लोग हैं जो अभी भी इसे खुले में उपयुक्त नहीं समझते, शायद हो सकता है वो कभी बिना सेक्स के गले मिले ही ना हो? इस घटना पर भी जैसा मैंने सुना है कि एक बुजुर्ग व्यक्ति ने विरोध शुरू किया था। देखते-देखते विरोधियों की संख्या बढ़ गयी और मामला कुटमकुटाई तक जा पहुंचा। पर क्या इसमें सारा देश और समाज शामिल है?

दरअसल हम मामले को ज़्यादा तूल न देकर इसे दूसरे तरीके से भी समझ सकते है। एक बुज़ुर्ग जो आज 70 से पचहतर वर्ष की उम्र का है, उसे प्रेम से गले मिलना सेक्स ही दिखाई देता है क्योंकि उसने कभी जीवन में प्रेम किया ही ना हो तो उसे प्रेम के आलिंगन और सेक्स के आलिंगन में कोई खास अंतर नहीं दिखाई देगा। शायद ये फासला है सोच का! और मेरे ख्याल से इस फासले को किसी आन्दोलन से नहीं बल्कि प्रेम से खत्म किया जा सकता है।

जिन लोगों को यह घटना अश्लील लगी मुझे नहीं पता उनकी नज़र में अश्लीलता की परिभाषा क्या है। किसी को मटकना अश्लील लगता है, किसी को खुलकर हंसना, किसी को नाचना, किसी को चुम्बन में अश्लीलता दिखाई देती है और किसी को कोलकाता मेट्रो की तरह गले मिलना। जो लोग सोच रहे हैं कि गले मिलना कितना भारतीय है और कितना विदेशी? तो ये हमारी संस्कृति का हिस्सा है, क्योंकि ईद हो या दीपावली, शादी हो या कोई दु:खद हादसा हम सब पहले से ही गले लगते- लगाते आये हैं। यदि किसी को यह बुरा लगता है तो इस मानसिकता की आज के भारत में कोई जगह नहीं हैं।

The post “गले मिलना पूरी दुनिया में प्रेम का प्रतीक है पर भारत में अश्लीलता का” appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

While I was leafing through some of the materials regarding press freedom, I got a news story dated back to September 4, 1982, on Washington Post. It was about the Bihar Press Bill of 1982 introduced by the then Chief Minister Jagannath Mishra. The bill had given the state government the authority to restrict publishing of ‘grossly indecent’, ‘scurrilous matter’ or one that was ‘intended for blackmail’.

Journalists violating the bill could land in jail for two years for the first offence. Thousands of newspapers across the country shut down in protest against what they called the ‘black bill’ or a ‘draconian law’. The bill was subsequently withdrawn after a year. Thirty-five years after that ‘draconian’ bill, Mishra admitted that he should not have introduced the Bihar Press Bill.

Over a period of time, governments around the globe have learnt a lot as to how to deal with the press. Earlier, they directly knocked it down with official circulars, notifications and bills. Now, they have imposed undeclared censorships – shrouded with intimidations and lure – ranging from ad cuts to luring people with MLC/MP tickets. Apart from this carrot-and-stick approach, there has been a new addition wherein a paid news is planted.

For example, the sarpanch of a local gram panchayat Chandan Kumar in Siwan district, Bihar was awarded the central government’s Nirmal Gram Puraskar for ensuring a high standard of cleanliness and improving village infrastructure in 2012. However, this wasn’t because of any actual good work but because Chandan Kumar would have journalists in his good books since he bought expensive advertisements. His award was withdrawn. This is the impact which the planting of fake news stories can actually have.

The undeclared censorship on a large section of media in Bihar is an open secret. The digital space more recently and some magazines in the recent past have been vocal about the muzzling of the press. A cover story by the Open magazine (April 2012) presented a well-researched study of the press in Bihar. The story started with the income tax raid on the JD (U) treasurer Vinay Kumar Sinha’s residential premises where Nitish Kumar used to live before he became the chief minister of Bihar. The story didn’t find much mention in most of the mainstream newspapers.

The Open magazine article talked about an Urdu journalist in length as to how he was removed from the position of a Chief Editor of an Urdu daily just because he wrote a piece in which a Muslim cleric was criticised for reciting Fatiha (Quranic verse) at the funeral of Manju Sinha, the wife of Nitish Kumar. He says in that Open magazine piece – “There is nothing wrong in a Muslim cleric reciting the Fatiha at the funeral of a Hindu. The only problem was that all other Muslim religious leaders had boycotted the funeral, as Nitish Kumar had turned it into a political event.” A Right to Information response revealed how there was a surge in the ad revenue of the Urdu daily from the state government after the Chief Editor was demoted.

I can give you the first-hand account of the incident because that journalist is my father. He had been the Chief Editor of the newspaper Pindar for more than three years before he was removed for writing that piece. He was demoted to the post of a Managing Editor and then after a few years, he lost that designation as well. He is still working with the newspaper but quite happy without any designation. When I ask him why he is happy without any position in the newspaper, he says, “I have had a lot of responsibilities as the Chief Editor, now I am free from such responsibilities.”

While this is an example of the muzzling of the press 10 years ago, it is not that the condition in which the media operates in Bihar has become any better.

Glorifying the state government is still completely normal in Bihar. These are the samples of the front page lead stories published recently in leading dailies:

Qaumi Tanzeem (April 22, 2018): “Tanaau aur takrao se bahar nikalne ki zarurat – Nitish” (It’s necessary to come out from the environment of tension and confrontation)
Qaumi Tanzeem (April 21, 2018): 2020 tak 1 crore naujawan hunar mand banenge – Nitish” (1 crore youngsters will acquire skills by 2020)
Qaumi Tanzeem (April 20, 2018): Reyasti hukumat ne ladkiyon ke liye khazana khola (The state government opens its exchequer for girls)
Pindar (April 21, 2018): 1 crore naujawano ko hunarmand banane ka nishana – Nitish
(Government aims to teach skills to 1 crore youngsters)
Dainik Jagran (April 26, 2018): Sadbhavna ke bigad rahe mahol se bahar niklen log – Nitish
(People should try to maintain social harmony)

A source from the Department of Information and Broadcasting told me on the condition of anonymity that chief minister Nitish Kumar was very angry at the way some newspapers carried the Ram Navami riots that had broken out in different districts. According to him, those who used the term ‘riot’ were reprimanded and even alerted that their ads would be halted. He told me this was the reason the matter was hushed up and some ‘praised’ the government for acting ‘sternly’ against the perpetrators.

The Chief Editor of the leading Urdu daily Qaumi Tanzeem, SM Ashraf Farid passed a front page story which glorified the Nitish Kumar government for its handling of the riots which took place during Ram Navami processions – ‘Chief Minister thwarted the communal conspiracy’.

However, the happenings suggest otherwise. For example, Arijit Shashwat, a 36-year-old BJP leader was not arrested for two weeks after leading the unauthorised Ram Navami procession which is believed to have led to communal violence. The entire fiasco resulted in a huge media outcry and government embarrassment.

What generally goes missing from media glare is the regular threat faced by journalists and the cold-blooded murder of some of the journalists in recent times. Fortunately, the murder of veteran Kannada journalist Gauri Lankesh got widespread media attention. Unlike Hindustan journalist Rajdeo Ranjan, who was murdered in Siwan, home to India’s one of the most influential and notorious criminal-politician Mohammad Shahabuddin on May 13, 2016. In the same year, another journalist from Bihar, Dharmendra Singh was also shot dead in Sasaram in November. The murder of these two small-town journalists also found mention in a document released by UNESCO, which had been originally produced by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ). However, the Indian media did not cover it as much as it should have.

Since ad revenues come from businessmen and politicians, many journalists prefer being in their good books. This makes it difficult for them to print all sorts of news criticising these bigwigs. Any journalist ‘crossing this limit’ may have to face the heat either from the proprietor’s side or from that of the politician.

In 2013, the then Press Council of India chairman Justice (Retd) Markandey Katju had sent a fact-finding team to Bihar which, after meeting with several journalists and state officials, alleged in its scathing report that free and fair journalism in Bihar was facing a situation of censorship. The committee had said that due to government pressure, newspapers in Bihar were downplaying issues like corruption and favouring the establishment in their news coverage.

The muzzling of the press has been a huge concern for over 30 years now in the state of Bihar. The state of Bihar has gone through a lot of socio-political and governmental changes since the Bihar Press Bill of 1982 was first introduced by Jagannath Mishra. However, irrespective of the political party which has been in power since then – Congress, Rashtriya Janata Dal or the Janata Dal (United), not much has been done to ensure that journalism flourishes in the state as it should in the world’s largest democracy.

The post Bihar’s Open Secret: The Muzzling Of Free Press Since 1982 appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Food might just appear as a part of our everyday chore but if we look at it closely, we can easily find its association with caste. The journey of a full-fledged meal from its ingredients to its preparation reveals a story of how the hierarchy is ingrained in our everyday practices. This hierarchy emanates from the old tradition of linking certain food with a certain community as a means to marginalise and further subjugate the supposed lower caste communities.

Dalits form a major part of such communities who have faced ostracisation because of the kind of food they consume. In fact, the names of marginalised communities like ‘Musahar’ (rat eaters) are linked to their general food practices. ‘Mus’ means rat and ‘Ahar’ means food. We have seen how dalits are beaten to death and brutally treated for consuming beef or pork but one needs to understand the fact that foods like these are not their self-made choice. There is thus, a genuine need to document Dalit food practices so that people know about a part of history which has been ignored for really long.

There are many peculiar ingredients and preparation techniques which are used only in Dalit cuisines. Rakti (coagulated blood) is a Dalit delicacy, which is prepared with fried onions, salt and black pepper. Similarly, Wajadi is another dish made with the skin of an animal’s intestines, by cleaning the offal and adding salt and chilli powder. All of these were rejected by the upper caste groups and hence were incorporated in Dalit cuisine. While social factors were one reason, economic factors also contributed to food practices of the Dalit community. Since sugar and grains were expensive, they had to rely on mota anaaj (coarse grain), molasses (made from sugarcane) and pea flour. This marked a peculiar culinary tradition of thick black chapatis. Other than this, many also consumed watermelon seeds because they could not waste anything.

While caste was an essential factor behind the peculiar varieties of Dalit food, scarcity of food also had an impact on how food was preserved and prepared. Various preservation techniques were devised to keep something during difficult times. Beef and pork were usually the first choices of preservation and therefore chanya (long slices of sun-dried beef) was developed which could last for months. Sun-dried pig-skin – chunchuni was another such invention. Apart from pork and beef, fish was also a major part of Dalit cuisine.

Urmila Pawar, in her book – “The Weave of my life: Memoirs of a Dalit Woman” says – “The rich stored the flesh of sode (shrimps, prawns), tisrya (clams) or mule; poor people stored the water in which these fish were boiled. The stock was boiled till it became a thick-like sauce and was then stored in bottles. This was called kaat.” Thus, these unique preservation techniques and unique ingredients emerge from the social, economic and cultural subjugation of Dalits who were forced to live in deprivation.

However, one needs to understand that the peculiarity of Dalit food is not based on the kind of choices the community got but whatever they had for themselves. All the so-called ‘pious’ foods were taken away by the upper caste communities, leaving Dalits only with leftover meat, flour and grains.

Ex-journalist Shahu Patole in his book “Anna he Apoornabrahma” talks about how Dalit food practices is not a personal choice but an ‘acquired taste’ which one internalises due to centuries of discrimination.

“What Dalit ate was always food of poverty. They never felt that their food should be celebrated. What they ate was not the food prepared in abundance but recipes that originates in the lack of ingredients and poverty in kitchen,” says Pushpesh Pant (food historian and political analyst).

A close observation of our surroundings can tell us a lot about the interplay of food and caste. Our contemporary popular cultures, including literature, TV shows, films, etc. implicitly disseminate food-based hierarchies. The popular cookery shows only have food recipes consumed by the masses and there is never a discussion on the lost recipes that Dalits in some parts continue to consume. Apart from Doordarshan’s telefilm “Surabhi” which had a recipe on red ants, no other television show (to the best of my knowledge) has ever tried to show Dalit foods.

Our film characters can only be seen gorging on chicken biryani, rasgullas, daal rice, potatoes, etc. We rarely see them eating what Dalits eat. The menu cards that we meticulously scan through also doesn’t have a category on Dalit foods. One doesn’t need to make Dalit food inclusive of the general food tradition but the point here is that when masses are feeding on spongy white rasgullas, why is it that there still exist communities which are still surviving on red ant’s blood and animal intestines or why is it that caste is cleverly saddled with brands?

Market and consumerism at large also play an instrumental role in connecting caste with food choices.The famous eastern brand has a sambar powder which says – “Brahmin Sambar”. This casteist labelling suggests that this spice box is only meant for certain sections of the society even if it is not done intentionally. Similarly, there is a food chain website called -‘Brahmin Foods’ which sells meat-free products. This again is an implicit attempt to connect caste with food to make the enterprise more profitable.

Amid such casteist brands and companies, a one of its kind Dalit food venture has emerged which has made the term ‘Dalit’ its selling point. Chandra Bhan Prasad (advisor to Dalit India Chamber of Commerce and Industry- DICCI) initiated this startup to sell products like flour, spices and pickles with the tag ‘Dalit Food’. According to Prasad, the aim of the startup is to make people aware of the hidden preservation techniques used by Dalits. While this argument appears to be an attempt to glorify the tradition, the open acceptance of the employer’s identity and their entry into e-commerce enterprise is a positive step towards creating a socially inclusive society.

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Image source: YouTube

The post The Story Of A Marginalised Cuisine: How Caste Determined What Dalits Got To Eat appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

प्रिय प्रधानमंत्री जी,

मैंने आपका एक बयान पढ़ा, जिसमें आपने कहा है, “किसान के घर जब एक बेटी पैदा हो, उस वह एक ऐसा पेड़ लगाए, जिससे जब उसकी बेटी की शादी होगी, उस वक्त वह पेड़ काट कर शादी का खर्चा निकल सकता है”

यकीन मानिए प्रधानमंत्री जी, मैं आपका यह बयान पढ़कर बिल्कुल खुश नहीं हूं। आपका यह बयान पढ़कर मुझे अपने गांव के बुज़ुर्गों की याद आ गई। गांव के बुज़ुर्ग हर बड़ी होती लड़की को देख अक्सर कहा करते हैं, ‘बिटिया बड़ी हो गई है, अब इसकी शादी कर देनी चाहिए।’ एक लड़की को लेकर उनकी सारी चिन्ता उसकी शादी की ही होती है। अब आप ही बताइए प्रधानमंत्री जी, उनलोगों में और आप में क्या फर्क है?

प्रधानमंत्री जी, शायद आप नहीं जानते कि ‘लड़की की शादी करनी होगी’ इसी चिंता से हर साल हज़ारों लड़किया पैदा होने से पहले ही मार दी जाती हैं। बहुत कम घर हैं जहां लड़कियों के जन्म लेने पर जश्न मनाया जाता है।

हिंदुस्तान में लड़कियो के जन्म लेने पर शोक मनाया जाता है। कई महिलाओ को उनके पति लड़की पैदा करने की वजह से छोड़ देते है। बेटी पैदा हो जाने की वजह से महिलाओं की ज़िंदगी नरक बना देते है।

मोदी जी, एक तरफ आप ‘बेटी बचाओ ,बेटी पढ़ाओ’ का नारा देते हैं, वही दूसरी तरफ आपकी पूरी चिंता एक लड़की की शादी की है। यह बिल्कुल गलत है।

आज़ादी के इतने साल गुज़र गए, आज भी लड़कियों की पढ़ाई की चिंता किसी को भी नहीं है। ज़्यादातर जगहों पर स्नातक के कॉलेज नहीं हैं।

मैं तो बहुत खुशनसीब हूं, जो जामिया जैसे कॉलेज से पढ़ाई कर रही हूं, लेकिन मेरे आस-पास बहुत सी लड़कियां हैं जो पढ़ना चाहती हैं। अपनी ज़िन्दगी में कुछ करना चाहती हैं, लेकिन उनके लिए कोई अच्छा कॉलेज नहीं है जहां वह पढ़ाई कर सके। सारी लड़कियां दिल्ली ही तो नहीं आ सकती हैं।

मेरी एक बहन है जो छपरा ( जहां से राजीव प्रताप रूडी सांसद हैं, बीजेपी से ही हैं।)  के जयप्रकाश नारायण यूनिवर्सिटी में पढ़ रही है। उसके स्नातक के तीन साल गुज़र गए, लेकिन अभी तक उसके प्रथम सत्र का एग्ज़ाम नहीं हुआ। अब आप ही बताइए प्रधानमंत्री जी, हमारा भारत शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में कितना आगे बढ़ रहा है। मेरी बहन कितने सालो में स्नातक की पढ़ाई खत्म करेगी? कॉलेज में गुरु नहीं है और आप भारत को विश्व गुरु बनाना चाहते हैं। यह कैसे होगा सर?

प्रधानमंत्री जी, आप यह क्यों नहीं सोचते हैं कि “किसान के घर में जब एक बेटी पैदा हो उस टाइम वह एक ऐसा पेड़ लगाए, जिससे जब उसकी बेटी बड़ी हो स टाइम किसान उस पेड़ को कटवा कर उस बेटी के पढ़ाई में खर्च कर सके।”

यकीन मानिए प्रधानमंत्री जी अगर लड़कियां पढ़ाई करेंगी, अपनी ज़िंदगी में सफल होंगी तो वह शादी खुद कर सकती हैं।

मैं यह उम्मीद करती हूं कि यह पत्र आप तक पहुंच जाए। अगर यह पत्र मिल जाए तो ध्यान दीजिएगा, आप हमें पढ़ने का मौका दिला दीजिए हम शादी खुद कर लेंगे। 

ज्योति कुमारी

एक नागरिक

The post “मोदी जी, हम लड़कियों को पढ़ने का मौका दिला दीजिए, शादी तो हम खुद कर लेंगे” appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

In January 1996, Hansraj moved to the Dera headquarters in Sirsa.

The same year, in the presence of his family and a few other sadhus of the Dera, Gurmeet Ram Rahim formally ordained him as a sadhu after administering two pieces of sweet to him. He was assigned to be a part of the Shahi Bhajan Mandali.

With his natural flair for music, Hansraj soon became a popular bhajan singer at the Dera. He started strumming a guitar and with regular practice, became good at playing it. Soon, Hansraj was made the head of sound system management at the Dera.

‘In 1999, some other sadhus and I came to know of an experiment of castration on a horse at the Dera. The animal died after three months.’ Hansraj said this was the first time he had heard about castration. He heard that the chief had decided to conduct the same experiment on humans. Initially, a member of the senior management staff known to be close to Gurmeet was made to undergo the operation. In late 1999, the chief called a meeting of 500 sadhus at the Dera headquarters. These sadhus were part of Dera Sacha Sauda’s Saint Brahmachari Sevadar group.

During that meeting, the sadhus were told that they had to go through a minor surgery which would bring them ‘directly in touch with God’. Gurmeet Ram Rahim explained that this surgery would take away all their worldly worries and bring them a step closer to heaven. The sadhus were then introduced to two doctors— Dr Pankaj Garg and Dr M.P. Singh. Gurmeet said that these two doctors were trained in the ‘special surgery’ and added that it would be painless.

After the meeting, Gurmeet met the sadhus one-on-one. ‘Those who agreed to go through the surgery at that time did not exactly know what it was all about. They were treated royally that day,’ Hansraj recalls. Those who refused to comply were humiliated and abused by Gurmeet. Some were even sent to the torture room and beaten up for days.

To begin with, two sadhus, Ratan and Dharam Singh, who was also the personal cook for the Dera chief, underwent the surgery. Makeshift arrangements were made inside the gufa and the doctors mentioned by the Dera chief in the meeting conducted the surgery. Mohan Singh Diwana, Mittu Singh and Gurjant Singh, three close aides of Gurmeet, were the next ones on whom the surgery was performed.

These sadhus were strictly told not to reveal to other sadhus that they had been castrated. Gurmeet told them to propagate among others that after the surgery, they could see God and felt close to Him. They were to tell the other sadhus that the surgery had led their mind to a higher realm of spirituality and they could now communicate directly with the Supreme Power because of their enhanced powers of concentration. At the chief’s directions, the castrated sadhus conducted meetings with eighteen to twenty young sadhus on a regular basis in an attempt to brainwash them and make them believe that the surgery would miraculously transform their lives.

In October 2000, Hansraj was travelling with Gurmeet Ram Rahim to his hometown in Gurusar Modia in Rajasthan. ‘I was a bhajan singer, so Gurmeet used to take me along to his hometown every time he visited, to perform bhajans.’

On the way, Gurmeet told him, ‘Tum par rehmat ho gayi hai’ (You have been blessed), and that soon, Hansraj would have a vision of God. ‘Little did I know that this trip would ruin my entire life.’ Hansraj was then seventeen years old, and completely unaware of the trap he was falling into.

Dera Sacha Sauda runs a hospital at Gurusar Modia, Gurmeet Singh’s village in Sri Ganganagar district. According to Hansraj, most of the initial castrations were done at this hospital. He said that the Dera chief asked him to go to the hospital and meet Dr Garg and Dr Singh, and say to them, ‘Mujh par rehmat ho gayi.’ (I have been blessed.)

When he went to the hospital that evening and told the doctors exactly what the Dera chief had asked him to, they smiled and offered him a cold drink. ‘Even before I could finish half the bottle, my head started spinning and I began to hallucinate. Soon, I fell unconscious, to wake up three days later.’

His ordeal had only just begun.

On regaining consciousness, he found his private parts bandaged. ‘I was in immense pain. I cried out and was given painkiller injections,’ he said, recalling the horror. In the evening, when the dressing was changed, he realized that his testicles had been removed. ‘Out of fear, dejection and pain, I urinated on the bed itself,’ he said, tears welling in his eyes while recounting that day. He wanted to die. His belief in the Dera and its chief was shattered. He felt betrayed.

‘Where to run away, whom to tell what has happened to me, how will I live the rest of my life—these were some of the questions running through my mind.’

He confronted the doctors who operated on him, only to be told that he was ‘chosen’—he had been specially ordained by ‘God’ Gurmeet himself, and should have no reason to complain, nor should he tell anyone at the Dera.

‘I refused to eat anything. I was just crying and thinking of my parents. After some time, I fell unconscious again.’

Even seventeen years after the surgery, Hansraj says that the pain refuses to go. ‘Sometimes it hurts so much, it feels as if hundreds of scorpions are biting me at the same time.’

Hansraj was discharged from the hospital the next day and sent to Sirsa. There, many sadhus his age asked him the reason for his despondency, but he kept it to himself. There were two reasons for that—he feared for his life, but perhaps the greater one was that he felt ashamed. Soon after he returned, another sadhu his age was summoned by the Dera chief. ‘Uspar bhee rehmat ho gayi.’ (He too was blessed.) That sadhu, also a minor, was sent to the same hospital in Gurusar Modia. ‘When he came back, he was seething with pain. His operation seemed to have gone wrong and there were blood stains on his pyjamas.’

This pattern of selecting young boys and sending them to be castrated continued for a long time. Hansraj said that from his group alone, more than twenty minors were sent for the surgery. With the number of castration cases increasing in number, keeping it secret became difficult. Soon, most of the sadhus at the Dera became aware of it. Some tried to flee to avoid it. Those who were caught trying to escape were beaten up and put in the torture room for days.

Excerpted with permission from “Dera Sacha Sauda and Gurmeet Ram Rahim: A Decade-Long Investigation” by Anurag Tripathi, published by Penguin India.

The post ‘Tum Par Rehmat Ho Gayi Hai’: How Gurmeet Ram Rahim Forced Castration On Young Men appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Every election has a tone. The Gujarat election rang of the Patel agitation, demonetisation, and GST. The 2014 General Elections had the tone of Modi wave.

The upcoming Karnataka Assembly election is all about caste calculus, about Karnataka statehood, and the charisma of local politicians, or so it seems. The ideal issues of unemployment, women’s safety, GDP or corruption – which were talking points during the recently concluded elections in Gujarat or Tripura — are missing from discussion, as both the major political fronts (BJP and INC) have failed to talk about them.

Even though incumbent chief minister Siddaramaiah sometimes praises himself for the development of Karnataka, he refrains from making far-flung claims, perhaps with the fear of it back-firing. On the other hand, PM Modi also isn’t talking of development, note-ban, and GST in his campaign, like he did in UP and Gujarat elections.

If caste-arithmetic is indeed the math that will decide the result of this election, it will be interesting to watch what this result is. From where the pieces of this number-game are right now, we can guess the result to be a hung assembly, as the opinion polls seem to be predicting. A dive into these numbers and their implications follow.

Caste Census Turmoil

CM Siddaramaiah is commonly called an AHINDA leader. AHINDA is an acronym for Alpasankhyatara, Hindulida, and Dalit (minorities, backward castes, and Dalits).

In 2015, the Siddaramaiah government launched a Social and Education Survey in the state, commonly known as the caste census, with the motive of gathering data about those who are still backward both educationally and socially, and for helping the administration in framing programmes that are inclusive of all sections of society.

The results of the caste census haven’t yet been released by the government. CM Siddaramaiah earlier said that he would release the census data at an appropriate time. According to reports, the Chief Minister told the state’s Legislative Council that the government was yet to receive the report from the Backward Classes Commission.

“The caste census has been completed and it is being analysed. We have also sought the opinion of the commission (State Backward Classes Commission) on ways to increase the percentage of reservation from the current 50% to 70%, on the lines of 69% reservation currently practiced in Tamil Nadu. Once we get that report, we will release the survey report also,” the incumbent CM has earlier said.

Statistical data believed to be the findings of this Social Economic census, however, was broadcasted by local media outlets in 2016. The leaked data claimed that Lingayats and Vokkaligas form 9.8% and 8.16% respectively of the Karnataka population, countering the claims that they are numerically strongest in the Kannada society.

If the leaked data, which may be inaccurate, is to be believed, the Dalits and Muslims are numerically the largest vote bank, with 18% and 12.5% share in population respectively, which may benefit the incumbent AHINDA leader.

The data will have an effect on the elections irrespective of the government’s denial of its authenticity, because it was circulated amongst the Karnataka masses. It had already disturbed the Vokkaligas and Lingayats, who have largely occupied the CM’s seat. And it appears it has consolidated the upper caste vote without any guarantee that the backward caste vote will consolidate to protect the AHINDA CM.

However, Siddaramaiah hit a masterstroke by granting a separate religion tag to Lingayats, which might disturb this upper caste consolidation.

Lingayat Separate Religion Tag

The Lingayats are followers of Kannada philosopher and poet Basavanna and are monotheists, who believe in the Shiva Lingam as a form of universal energy rather than an idol. After the death of Basavanna, the Lingayat culture was mixed with that of upper caste Shaivites called Veershaiva. In due course of time, most of the Lingayats started practising the Brahminical ways of religion, which practically mixed them with other Hindus.

In order to protect their 800 years’ old tradition, many Lingayat leaders and seers have been campaigning for a separate religion tag more vociferously since last year. Lingayat leaders of the Congress in Karnataka, such as M.B.Patil, Vinay Kulkarni, Prakash Patil, and H Basavaraj, have supported the movement since then. The party had lost favour with the community after Veerendra Patil, Karnataka CM from the community in 1990, was ousted by Rajiv Gandhi.

The movement has reached another milestone with the recommendation of a separate religion tag for Lingayats by the Karnataka government. Now the ball is in the court of the Union Government, and it has to decide whether to accept the suggestion of the Karnataka government. It is unlikely that the pro-Hindu party will support the Congress-ruled Karnataka’s demand. Amit Shah has said that he will take a stand on the demand after the polls.

Ironically, both parties have played for a side other than they are on currently. In 2013 the UPA government rejected the same demand citing infringement on the rights of Lingayat SCs. The current state BJP President B S Yeddyurappa was apparently a supporter of a separate religion tag for Lingayat-Veershaivas when he floated the KJP in 2013.

Unlike Yeddyurappa’s past demand for Lingayat-Veershaiva separate religion tag, the move of the Siddaramaiah government involves only separate Lingayatism, excluding Veershaivas from them. Only those Veershaiva-Lingayats who believe in Basavanna’s ideology will be granted a separate tag, the state government’s notification says. Even though Lingayats are different from Veershaivas, BJP leaders regularly berate the Congress government for dividing those sects.

After the rise of Yeddyurappa, Lingayats were typically BJP supporters. When Yeddyurappa was out from BJP for a brief period of time, his independent outfit KJP had a vote-share of 9.79%, and his party was instrumental in denting the prospects of BJP in Lingayat-dominated constituencies. This shows that Lingayats have a great electoral deal with Yeddyurappa. But the Congress government’s move is likely to leave both Yeddyurappa and Lingayat voters in a dilemma.

Religious seers also haven’t been unified in their support of a party, which could further complicate this dilemma. Some of the seers have chosen to remain silent,while others have asked the central government to support the state government’s proposal. Although it is very difficult to predict the mind of Indian voters, seeing the current developments, we can arrive at the conclusion that the Congress is going to eat a portion of the BJP’s Lingayat pie.

Veershaivas on the other hand are totally furious with Siddaramaiah and his move of separating Lingayatism, as they are seeing it as an attempt to divide Shaivite ideology. Moreover, if the leaked caste census data is true, which claims Lingayats are just 9.8% of the total population, the LIBRA (Lingayat and Brahmin) vote arithmetic of the BJP is not going to give it the result it expects on the other side of this calculation.

Vokkaliga Anger

The Vokkaligas are a cultivator and landlord caste, and influential leaders like former PM HD Deve Gowda, former CM SM Krishna, union minister DV Sadananda Gowda, and state minister DK Shivakumar belong to the Vokkaliga caste. They are also the last resort of the BJP and the only resort of JD(S), and may help them in improving and retaining their Vokkaliga vote-tally respectively.

This is because the leaked data says Vokkaligas are just 8.16% of the Karnataka population, contrary to the claims of 12-15%. The data has created an impression that Siddaramaiah has neglected some sub-castes of the Vokkaligas. As MJ Vinod, apolitical science professor, told the Deccan Herald, “The Vokkaliga anger seems to be reaction to the fact that their officers were not given some posts they were expecting.”

Another issue on which the Congress hurt the Vokkaligas is that the CM is said to have appeased the people of his caste, the Kurubas. Siddaramaiah wants to give ST status to his community, which OBC Vokkaligas may not like.

Electorally the Vokkaligas have been with the JD(S) in Southern Karnataka and with Congress in other parts of state. Even though the Congress claims Vokkaligas do not vote on caste lines, this time they may go against the party because of their recent consolidation against it. That doesn’t mean they will go with the BJP. They might sail with JD(S) as the Deve Gowda family is from a Vokkaliga caste.

For the BJP, SM Krishna, the former CM who joined the party last year, may be helpful in cornering Vokkaliga votes where JD(S) is weak. BJP is also bringing Yogi Adityanath to Karnataka to woo Nath-panthis who are a major part of Vokkaliga social structure.

Sadananda Gowda on the other hand belongs to the coastal Karnataka region, where people generally vote on religious lines than on caste lines. He has no influence in the Central And Southern Karnataka region where Vokkaligas are numerically strong.

The Dalit Divide

The Dalits form about 17% of the Karnataka population according to the 2011 census. In Karnataka there are two sections of Dalits: the “left” group of Dalits with castes such as Madiga and Aadijamabava and the “right” group of Dalits with castes such Chalavadi and Holeya. Their exact share in population is not known, but the “left” group is said to be numerically stronger than the “right” group.

Both the groups leaned towards the Congress traditionally, but that is changing or might have already changed. Currently, the Madigas allege that the Congress is giving more importance to the “right” by giving more tickets to them. Moreover, influential Congress leaders like G Parameshwara and Mallikarjun Kharge belong to this faction of Dalits. Add to that the matter of internal reservation, which was proposed by the BJP in 2012 but then given to a committee by Siddaramaiah an year later. The Madigas saw this as a ploy to delay the plan.

Owing to this rivalry between the two groups, the “left” group seems to be leaning towards the BJP. According to the Dalit seer Madhara Chennaiah, BJP has promised internal reservation to Madigas, and in return the Madhara Chennaiah mutt of Madigas has pledged its support to the party. This mutt has a large influence over the projected 1.5-crore-strong Madiga community, which may break the stereotype of united AHINDA vote for Congress.

Moreover, the spat between the seer and social welfare minister H Anjaneya has worsened the situation for Congress. Similarly, the rise of B Sriramulu, and the speculation that there might be a Deputy CM post for him, may help in breaking the Dalit vote bank to the benefit of the BJP.

The silver lining for Siddaramaiah government here are schemes  like Anna Bhagya (free distribution of food-grains) and Karnataka Anila Bhagya (free LPG connections), which may help them to win at least a portion of the vote bank.

With the LIBRA (Lingayat-Brahmin) vote bank of BJP undecided, the Vokkaliga vote bank possibly taking a new turn, and the AHINDA formula of Siddaramaiah getting divided, it isn’t surprising to see that most of the opinion polls predict a photo-finish, although the Congress seems to be getting a few seats more than the BJP.

Opinion and exit polls aside, the Indian voter is mostly silent and unpredictable. The result of this math, however, will definitely help explain where they are headed.

The author is a part of the Youth Ki Awaaz Writers’ Training Program.

The post This Karnataka Election Is All About Which Party Solves The Caste Equation Better appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.