By Annette Francis and Dheeraj Dubey:

India has of one of the lowest female labour force participation rates in the world. Between 2005-06 and 2015-2016 this figure has reduced by almost 12 percent. Economists use the feminisation U-hypothesis to explain this trend; it predicts that the women workforce participation of a developing economy declines and rises again later due to the changing nature of socio-economic factors within the national ecosystem.

The decline in the curve is a result of factors such as the incompatibility of work and family duties, the stigmas surrounding women working outside the home, and the high incomes of their spouses rendering their contribution to family income negligible.

In India, female labour force participation rates are 22 points below their expected level on the curve.  While there are several factors which contribute to these numbers, internal migration must be recognised as one of the key factors which deters the entry of women into the higher education, skilling and employment ecosystems.

Women And Migration

Census 2011 revealed that women form almost 70 percent of the internal migrant community.

For migrants in the 20-34 age group 38.5 percent of men have cited cause for migration as ‘work/employment’, while only 2.7 percent of women say the same. The numbers are reversed when we observe ‘marriage’ as a cause for migration, with an average of 3.1 percent men, and 71.2 percent women.

The contrast between the numbers reflects a pattern: men migrating for work/employment, and their wives migrating with them. While it is probable that these women may have found employment later, work wasn’t the trigger for their migration.

One could speculate based on these numbers, that while the Indian community hasn’t resisted the idea of women moving out of their native homes to other regions, the resistance for mobility of women arises when the reason is non-marriage related.

Challenges surrounding migration and the subsequent hesitation to migrate, are often cited as the main bottlenecks that affects the impact of educational and employment initiatives like Skill India, for women.

When It Comes To Migration, Women Face Both Social And Structural Barriers

A women often must seek the approval of her father, brother, husband, in-laws, and sometimes the village panchayat, in order to work or learn skills which might make her employable, while still bearing the almost sole responsibility of caring for her children.

A smart phone can be the tool for acquiring a variety of skills, the medium for financial flexibility, a source for exploring opportunities and finding jobs, and much more. However, several recent studies by LIRNE Asia, Pew Research and GSMA have all consistently affirmed that in India, a significant percentage of Indian women are restricted from using smart-phones and accessing the internet, making it all the more challenging for them to leverage the benefits of technology.

Informal workers from low income backgrounds, especially migrants, do not have basic entitlements such as identity documentation, housing, and financial services. Migrant women are additionally subject to gender-centric challenges, which includes lower pay compared to their male counterparts

“The acute lack of female leadership has made the informal labour sector non-aspirational for women, resulting in the sector becoming a male-dominated game.”

Discrimination of women in the workplace takes numerous forms ranging from the absence of maternity benefits to sexual harassment at the workplace. In a sample of Skill India participants, 62 percent of unemployed women reported that they were willing to migrate for work, but 70 percent said they would feel unsafe working away from home (IHDS, 2012). The acute lack of female leadership has made the informal labour sector a non-aspirational one for women, resulting in the sector becoming a male-dominated game.

Below is an excerpt from the Census 2011 document, which lists the criteria for recognising an area as a Census Town.

“A minimum population of 5,000; at least 75 percent of the male main working population engaged in non-agricultural pursuits; and a density of population of at least 400 persons per sq. km.”

By definition therefore, the system is choosing to not focus on the number of unemployed or employed women, essentially rendering their contribution to the economy invisible.

This definition has been in place since 1971, was active in 2011 when the last Census was undertaken, and continues to remain unchanged. There were 3,894 areas defined as census towns in Census 2011. If we were to modify the definition to include women as a part of the ‘main working population’, chances are those numbers would be considerably different.

If such exclusion exists in policy documents, how can one expect reforms to trickle down into action?

Women have limited opportunities as they are restricted to ‘traditional’ jobs which are closely linked to typical ideas of what women can and cannot do. According to a 2018 McKinsey Global Institute report, India could add up to USD 770 billion to its GDP—more than 18 percent, if it simply advances gender parity in work and society.

“Women are restricted to ‘traditional jobs, closely linked to typical ideas of what women can and cannot do.”

The above narratives tell us that when it comes to women migrating for work, social norms become excuses to delay structural reform, and in turn, these institutional barriers prevent community mindset change. This results in a perpetual cycle, thus, reinforcing the existing status quo.

What Are The Solutions To Correcting These Wrongs?

The multi-faceted nature of this challenge makes it a tough one to tackle. But the good news is that there are organisations that have been working to drive change. Based on their work, below are some strategies that need to be adopted and scaled by corporates, nonprofits and other stakeholders.

“The starting point of increasing women’s workforce participation is recognising that they are primary caregivers”, says Namya Mahajan, Managing Director of SEWA Federation.

SEWA runs 13 childcare centres in Ahmedabad with about 30 children per center, allowing women to take up better paying jobs and spend longer hours working. “We have seen women’s income increase by more than 50 percent on an average”, adds Mahajan.

“Bringing digital devices into a village, helps not just women get access to content for learning new skills, it also changes the nature of learning within the community”, says Medha Uniyal, Program Director of Pratham Institute.

Since 2016, Pratham has been able to connect over 35,000 women to access to smart devices and digital content, through various skilling interventions in rural areas. These women have gone on to start their own beauty parlours, run tailoring classes, and even work as mechanics in cities, dispelling misconceptions surrounding women and technology.

“We have noticed high rates of attrition when it comes to women in informal labour, especially given that the informal sector is marred with several issues like low pay and exploitation. And so, we believe, there is a growing need to foster self-employment,” says Poulomi Pal, Deputy General Manager at Godrej Consumer Products Ltd (GCPL).

By partnering with several non-profits, the GCPL Salon-i programme has reached out to 1300 salon micro-entrepreneurs who are in turn reaching out to 90,000 women, building their capacity in technical skills and financial literacy. The spillover benefits which are triggered by empowering women to run their own enterprises, contributes to bringing about changes in the workplace ecosystem.

“It is important to recognise the economic contribution of women migrants – both within the country and abroad. This is the key prerequisite for removing the barriers to female migration while safeguarding their rights and welfare”, says Varun Agarwal, CEO of Indian Migration Now.

At this juncture, we need policies to tackle the structural barriers which prevent women from being recognised as key component of the budding Indian workforce. India Migration Now works towards this end through, a comprehensive set of migration research, policy and media projects.

While it may not be possible to change norms overnight, now more than ever there is a need for collective ownership and constructive solutions.

Stakeholders working on women and economic development need to focus their attention on resolving structural problems around migration, which is key to allowing women to pursue education, skilling and employment pathways.

This article was originally published on India Development Review. You can read it here.

About the authors:

Annette Francis: Annette works with Pratham’s vocational training and entrepreneurship arm known as Pratham Institute. She currently focuses on research and innovation projects being pioneered by the organisation. Her primary area of interest is researching technology-based solutions for mitigating challenges in the development sector, specifically within the livelihood and education space. She has previously worked in a teaching capacity with nonprofit and for-profit organisations based in India and Scotland.

Dheeraj Dubey: Dheeraj is a documentary filmmaker currently working with the vocational skilling arm of Pratham, on media and research projects. His key area of interest lies in the study of visual mediums such as film and imagery. He has previously worked on various documentary films under the ambit of education, art and livelihoods.

The post Advancing Gender Parity Could Boost India’s GDP Up To 18% By 2025 appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

A few days ago Bhima Koregaon witnessed the progressive manifestation of the resistance against dominant Hindutva Brahmanical cultural coercion on the vast masses of people in the country. The celebration at Bhima Koregaon turns to ashes the Hindutva political conspiracy of unifying India on the basis of Brahmanical theological practices. Bhima Koregaon is a spatial manifestation of the resistance which the oppressed have presented to the oppressing class and caste of people.

It has been the site of the people’s resistance against Brahmanical feudal forces, at Bhima Koregaon “On January 1, 1818, a disciplined and organized army of 500 defeated the 28,000-strong army of the Peshwas/Brahmins. The 500 disciplined Mahars (now converted to Buddhism) and some other marginalized castes along with the British officer(s) defeated what can be considered the inhuman, draconian casteist rule of the Peshwas” (Dahiwale, 2018). To mark the victory over such oppressive rule every year thousands of Dalit people throngs at the place. But they had to face severe attack by right-wing Hindutva forces on the 200^th year of the celebration at Bhima Koregaon.

The intensifying Brahmanical fascist nature of the Indian state explains the attack by the Hindutva forces upon Dalits who had assembled on 1^st January 2018, all the oppressed identities were united under the name of ‘Elgar Parishad’ and vowed to fight the neo-Peshwa Modi-rule (Wagle, 2018). This sort of unity was indigestible, hence, it invited a state-sponsored attack.

The attack provided a pretext under which the people who had actively challenged the growing fascist nature of India state could be put behind the bars. People who through their writings or deeds presented the revolutionary critique to the nature of Indian state and brought forth an alternative to the present social, political and economic order were put behind the bars. Rona Wilson along with the four other activists was arrested in the attempt by the police to establish possible Maoist connection to the Koregaon violence (Staff, 2018). The arrest of Rona Wilson is an example of the historic attempt by the ruling class to silence the voice that exposes the anti-people nature of the state.

In the war which the Indian ruling elite has been waging, people like Rona stood with the oppressed and dispossessed. And this is what makes him vulnerable to state repression besides he has also had a Christian background and comes from Kollam in Kerala, a place about which the Hindutva forces and its media organ says is ‘Pakistan’ (Staff S. , 2017) (Ahmad, n.d.). He fits well into the matrix of ‘other’ in the ruling class narratives, this explains why he was constantly called ‘Rana’, Rona is a name which the Brahmanical media is not used to hear or speak about.

Everywhere he was ridiculed, almost every popular media space presented him as a villain who wanted to kill the most hardworking PM of India. His political activism provided the soil on which the crop of Urban Naxal was to be cultivated. ABVP took hold of the opportunity and quickly organized a program on Urban Naxal on campus. Along with media every other organization of the Hindutva forces took the responsibility to sprout venom on the Naxal movement, a movement which had brought a radical political challenge to the semi-feudal and semi-colonial conditions in India (Charu, 1971-72). After Naxalbari in 1967 the state had to adjust itself in accordance with the rising challenge from the Naxalites.

The word Naxal was reduced to an identity of terror and violence while the state’s routine structural violence was to be curbed under this word. And hence, the ruling class made ‘Naxal’ and ‘Naxalite’ the most abused words. At present, the intensifying crisis of global capital order requires a severe attack on any sort of politics that dares to oppose the rising Hindutva forces in the slightest degree. Hence, there was this need to widen the scope of the word Naxal, the addition of the word ‘Urban’ to it marks the shifting nature of the Indian state toward Fascism.

Rona was the founding member of the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners. This is an organization that has fought for the democratic rights of the oppressed. Based on the principle that every sort of political ideology should get a democratic space, it seeks freedom for the Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis, people from the oppressed nationalities of J&K, Manipur etc… and persons who get prosecuted by the state simply because of his or her political ideology.

The Aim and Objective of CRPP includes bringing out a legislation for the implementation of UN Convention on Prisoners and “to arrange legal assistance to the prisoners who are in a disadvantageous position or discriminated against toward receiving a fair trial on account of media projections or the police, military or Government`s undue propaganda”. It is clear from the statement issued by CRPP in its inaugural conference at Mandi House in New Delhi that the committee doesn’t support or oppose the ideology of struggle based on violence or non-violence by any party or organization.

He as an active member of CRPP was involved in organizing protest programs against the constant targeting of Muslims under various draconian laws like UAPA. He was one of the most active people involved in the campaign for the release of SAR Geelani who was illegally arrested in the case of parliament attack along with Afzal Guru. Likewise, he had campaigned for those people who had been illegally detained by the police, just because of their political activism or ideology. He campaigns for the release of Prof GN Saibaba, Hem and others who had been arrested for speaking against operation Green Hunt carried out by the Indian state in central India.

So, Rona was working not in violation of any of the provisions in the constitution of this country, he was not at a single time advocating for a particular banned party or organization. His activism included speaking against the imperialist agenda to impose a development model that brings mass destitution to the people. In his speech he has explained how the present state uses the old colonial draconian law to perpetuate state violence upon the vast masses of people, by pointing out how after the globalization and liberalization policies, more draconian laws came up, he exposes the manner in which the Indian state serves the cause of imperial capital and domestic big capital (Camera, n.d.).

He also spoke against the cultural hegemony of the Brahmanical forces on vast masses of people in India. He supported beef eating and saw it as a democratic expression of a larger section of people. He saw this as an act of the state to criminalize food habits (Camera, Rona Wilson: Support eating Beef in the public sphere, 2012). The struggle for the repeal of all draconian law and release of all political prisoners is in no way unconstitutional and arrest of anyone involved in this only shows the desperation of the Indian state to serve the imperialist powers and their capital.

CRPP made a progressive change in the definition and scope of political prisoners. In the statement on Political Prisoners CRPP stated that “The Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners believes that the persons who have been arrested or detained, for partaking in struggles of political, social and economic significance, in favour of exploited classes and oppressed castes/communities, in whatever form, and were guided not by selfish-interest, but by definite political views or ideologies, irrespective of the charges that the state has put on them, should be considered political prisoners. However, members of the state-sponsored armed groups would not be considered as political prisoners. Private armies of Bihar, Salwa Judum of Chhattisgarh, SULFA of Assam and a host of groups in J&K and other states or similar groups, operating under the patronage of the state/ruling parties, be viewed as state-sponsored armed groups. In addition, persons directly involved in genocide, rape and mass murder or so in connivance with the state should also not be considered as a political prisoner.”

Rona’s active membership in CRPP clearly points that he has been opposing the state repression on the oppressed masses of the people. His arrest only points to the manner in which the ruling elite has been perpetuating their rule. The arrest of Rona has exposed the rotten roots of the Indian state. It has shown that there is no semblance of democracy in the working nature of the Indian state.

The most violent form of politics involved in the displacement of Adivasis and Dalits from their Jal, Jungle, and Zameen, was exposed in an article titled ‘Manufacturing Imperialism: the political economy of SEZ’ written by Rona. He argues here that prime factor in the dreading combination of 4 Ds i.e. Displacement, Destruction, Destitution, and Death is to be located in the matrix of productive relationships and productive forces (Wilson, 2013). He argued that the present model of development in India “is a replication of the status-quo where the money lender-trader-landlord nexus hold the political power while sharing the benefits of surplus generated in the economy with imperialism.” And there upon he explains the rising income inequalities and political economic and social atrocities as the consequence of the development model.

But he does not stop here, he talks of an alternative to the parasitic system. He talks of an alternative model which “would move towards a structural change in the economy with redistribution of land and a thoroughgoing shift in political power in favor of the toiling masses. This model envisages mass participation, with the needs of the masses forming the propellant factor giving a sense of direction to the industries resulting in the production of items that are useful for the everyday life of the people, for leading a dignified meaningful existence. This would necessitate the orientation or the choice of capital that is sensitive to the resource base of the economy and indigenous technology.  And such a model of development where people are an asset and not a burden to the economy and their physical, mental well-being is what development is all about will be detrimental to the interests of the landlord-money lender-trader alliance which is holding power in the economy” (Wilson, 2013). Amidst the ocean of exploitations, people like Rona can imagine a truly democratic society. It is this imagination that threatens the existence of the present ruling class and the Indian state being the managing committee of the same uses all its apparatus to ensure that such an imagination get eradicated.

Apart from this Rona is a student who was pursuing his Ph.D. in JNU, Delhi. His Ph.D. thesis was on Islamophobia in India. He has a radical critique of the idea of Muslim other, which the present government is propagating in more violent measures than ever before. In his Ph.D. work, Rona wanted to bring a radical analysis of the constant othering in form genocide, illegal detention, banning of Muslim organizations, ghettoization etc. In his Ph.D. proposal which was accepted by many foreign universities, he wrote that Islamophobia has been used as an ideology to consolidate the politics of Hindutva by the ruling class in India, he wished to go beyond the discourse on Islamophobia in academia to describe the conditions of Muslims in India. This he thinks necessary because the discourse around Islamophobia emerged very recently but the Islamic history in India predates this understanding.

He proposes to elaborate on how the state apparatus makes Muslim men as an object of socio-cultural national gaze wherein the subject always expect a terrorist in his body. Further, he proposed to bring an understanding as to how the law creates a fiction of militant Muslim man, ‘terrorist Muslim masculinity’ that is further used by the ideological state apparatus like media to create a common sense of Muslim ‘other’ in majority citizens while at the same time Muslim women are projected as docile body who needs to be protected by the Indian state. We find relevancy of this argument in the present Indian scenario, the state is creating a toxic Hindutva masculinity that finds its materiality in possessing the Muslim female body.

The issue over Triple Talaq culminates into a law that has provided strength to the Brahmanical masculinity vis-a-vis the Muslim women, the idea behind the law is to protect Muslim women from Muslim men and the onus of this would naturally be shouldered by the Hindutva forces. Rona in this way became a threat to the present Brahmanical fascist regime and in order to carry out the project of Hindu Rastra it became quite urgent for the state to put him behind the jails. This explains the 5000 pages of the charge sheet filed against him, the state is bent upon ensuring that he does not come out to propagate liberating ideology for the oppressed masses.

References

Ahmad, T. (n.d.). kerala-becoming-mini-pakistan-brilliant-article-tufail-ahmad. Retrieved from vedicupasanapeeth.org: https://www.vedicupasanapeeth.org/kerala-becoming-mini-pakistan-brilliant-article-tufail-ahmad/

Camera, D. (2012, March 25). Rona Wilson: Support eating Beef in public sphere. Retrieved from youtube.com: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MpbqeLvrKmA

Camera, D. (n.d.). Rona Wilson about Committe for Releasing Political Prisoners. Retrieved from youtube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p_rXmpwer_o

Charu. (1971-72). Long Live the Heroic Peasants. Retrieved from marxist.org: https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mazumdar/1971/07/x01.html

Dahiwale, M. (2018, Jan 4). Battle of Bhima Koregaon symbolizes a war against caste oppression. Retrieved from atimes.com: http://www.atimes.com/battle-bhima-koregaon-symbolizes-war-caste-oppression/

Staff, S. (2017, June 3). times-now-calls-kerala-pakistan-gets-brutally-trolled-later-says-sorry. Retrieved from scoopwhoop.com: https://www.scoopwhoop.com/times-now-calls-kerala-pakistan-gets-brutally-trolled-later-says-sorry/#.rjfsyxglw

Staff, S. (2018, June 6). bhima-koregaon-violence-activist-rona-wilson-and-lawyer-surendra-gadling-among-five-arrested. Retrieved from scroll.in: https://scroll.in/latest/881576/bhima-koregaon-violence-activist-rona-wilson-and-lawyer-surendra-gadling-among-five-arrested

Wagle, N. (2018, Jan 6). The-Real-Culprits-of-Bhima-Koregaon-Violence. Retrieved from thecitizens.in: https://www.thecitizen.in/index.php/en/NewsDetail/index/4/12691/The-Real-Culprits-of-Bhima-Koregaon-Violence-

Wilson, R. (2013, Oct 27). Manufacturing Imperialism: The Political Economy of SEZ. Retrieved from toanewdawn.blogspot: http://toanewdawn.blogspot.com/2013/10/manufacturing-imperialism-political.html

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The fact that climate change and its potentially disastrous consequences if left unresolved has been a hot topic of debate for quite some time now. Even school going children have greater awareness to this threat to our planet and our survival. On March 15, they took matters into their own hands. Tens of thousands of them around the world skipped their classes and took to streets to demand greater action to control pollution and save the environment from their governments and world bodies.

Why has the focus on climate change increased? One reason is because scientists and researchers have comprehended that the 6th mass extinction event is underway on our planet. The trademark identification of such an event are the increasing cases of complete extinction of many species of animals because of the overpopulation of one or certain number of species.

Population explosion of humanity and industrialization, especially in the last 100 years has exponentially increased green house effects. But what many people do not know is that this is not the first instance of our planet experiencing the drastic and adverse effects of green house effects. Herbivore dinosaurs had chomped their way through massive forests and expelled humongous amounts of methane gas from their belly after digestion creating massive greenhouse effect.

I had attended a seminar on wetland conservation at the Agricultural University in my hometown a few weeks back. One of the speakers was a researcher on greenhouse effect and he did an excellent presentation on the topic. But I realized that one critical factor was missing from his presentation. If our planet is in the midst of the 6th mass extinction, it means complete destruction of our planet and all its beings has happened five times before. Each time nature has been reset and life has taken roots again. The last time it happened dinosaurs became extinct. But interestingly, crocodiles, cockroaches and turtles survived. So if it happens again, can we survive and what will it take for us to survive? I asked the speaker these questions and he admitted that he had never considered those aspects in his research.

Interestingly, I found the answer to my question on social media the next day itself.

The arrival of the Spanish Inquisition in Central America in the 16th century and the subsequent destruction of the thriving civilization of the Incas resulted in the Amazon forest reclaiming its lost land to people. The unintended effect of this reforestation was the drastic drop in temperature in Europe in the 17th century and large number of people dying because of unbearably cold conditions. We keep adapting to small increases in temperature and changes in weather conditions without realizing that the overall impact of the changes is considerable. Only when the changes are reversed by nature will we know what its effects will be on us.

The floods in Kerala and the destruction it caused is a fresh reminder of what can happen to us when nature resets itself. Kerala has traditionally been a rainfall abundant region because of its proximity to the Indian ocean and Western Ghats. I have learned in school that after Cherapunji, it is Kerala that receives the most rainfall during monsoon season every year. In spite of this known fact, people encroached into low lying areas to build their houses.

While rainfall in Kerala has decreased considerably in the last decade or so, it never meant it would never rain like before. When it did rain, water had nowhere to go. So where water could flow it swept away everything in its path and where it couldn’t flow it got stuck causing massive floods. There was also an enduring image circulating on social media of a bridge filled with plastic bottles and containers, which the water had deposited back on to land.

So mass extinction and resetting of nature has been an ongoing phenomenon on our planet. We can blame human overpopulation and wanton industrialization for climate changes now but that has always been the problem with dominant species as the dinosaur case illustrates. We are the only species on the planet that destroys nature’s ecosystem to create our own. No animal cuts trees to make its own shelter.

Animals adapt to what is available in nature. The reason could be that we were created to rule over nature and not protect it as the quote from Bible suggests. In Genesis 1:26, God says, “Let Us make man in Our image, after Our likeness, to RULE over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air, over the livestock, and over all the earth itself and every creature that crawls upon it.”

The question now is how to control our effect on climate change. I believe we are a little too late to think about it. A few billion of us have to die off to restore parity in nature. But there is a catch here. The few billion of us have to die without disturbing the nature, which is impossible without a natural calamity on a massive scale or a man made disaster like a nuclear war. There is an analogous situation happening right now. Flickr, the online photo sharing community has created a new rule which restricts its free users to upload and retain only 1000 photos on its website. The difference here is, nature cannot tell us the size of the human population it can manage. The onus is on us to find it out, reduce our population accordingly and keep it below the threshold number.

Sounds ridiculous right? We cannot wipe off our own population that too on such a massive scale. What we can do is control our population growth and not increase our negative impact on nature anymore. One purpose all species procreate is to stay dominant in nature. We do not need to procreate like other species anymore. All of us do not have to leave our own unique genetic imprint on our population.

There is something more left for us to do though. Humans have been trying to understand nature from the dawn of our existence. Exponential technological advances we have made has helped us to investigate and understand every aspect of nature closely. Even then, we are restricting our research to simply collecting data about nature. The more we learn about something it is natural that we also learn how to control and manipulate it. This is how the field of medicine has grown and how we have learnt to treat diseases.

But surprisingly, other than cloud seeding to create artificial rain, we have not been able to control weather and climate changes. There are places in our country like Kerala which receive abundant rainfall and other areas which suffer from extreme drought every year. All government departments and research institutions watch this unfold every year helplessly. None of them have even wondered if it would be possible to distribute rain clouds or rainwater to all parts of the country uniformly.

There is a story in ancient Indian texts about the young Hanuman who leapt into the sky to catch the rising sun to play with it. Indra, the God of lightning and thunder, in his apprehension threw the Vajrayudha (thunderbolt) at Hanuman who got struck by it and fell back to earth unconscious. Maruti, the God of wind who was Hanuman’s biological father got enraged and pulled out all the air flowing on earth and relented only after Hanuman’s health was restored. The takeaway from this story for me is that air flow on our planet can be controlled. Ancient Indian texts are treasure troves of extremely advanced technology and interpreting them correctly can answer and solve most of the problems we are facing now.

There are primarily three obstacles we are facing for space exploration and one of them is creating and controlling weather conditions suitable for us on other planets. The key to this lies in greater understanding and controlling weather and climatic changes on our own planet. The fact that children are speaking about climate changes reflects poorly on their parents and exposes the ignorance they have on the subject. People have to start talking about solving social problems and these discussions have to start from educational institutions. The research that the speaker did on the greenhouse effect creates no value because all the effort he put in does nothing to help humanity. What is the objective of doing research on any subject if it is not helping in the survival and evolution of our species?

The post Simply Collecting Data Will Not Control Climate Change appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Politics has always been a game of perception. Political parties select leaders from their ranks who become candidates and people’s representatives during elections. Though this is called democracy, people have no say in who should represent them. The candidates normally have no experience in social service. The fact that politics is the profession for political leaders and they know nothing about hard work and sweating it out to become successful has been highlighted innumerable times satirically in movies. Eventually people vote based on religion, caste, community and factors that have no relation to governance, administration and social work.

How to make people focus away from facts that matter is completely based on creating perceptions about the candidates. BJP took this to the next level with building Modi’s brand image in 2013-2014. From equating him to Lord Shiva with NaMo to being projected as the leader who can potentially take India beyond the US and China as the most powerful country in the world to making people vote in the name of Modi for assembly elections in different states, BJP’s strategy team literally created magic from out of nowhere. But the same team has withered away in the last 5 years and has been making blunders time and again.

The latest one and that too during election season is the completely ludicrous and incomprehensible attempt to take ownership of the word “chowkidar” with the “main bhi chowkidar” strategy. When the Rafale deal blew up on Modi’s face and Rahul Gandhi publicly called Modi a thief with “chowkidar chor hai”, he literally took ownership of the chowkidar word. BJP’s strategy team could neither counter it nor extricate Modi’s brand image from it.

To make matters worse, Alok Verma proved to be more than handful as an adversary. Modi had to sacrifice his face and perception as “chowkidar” and force Verma out of CBI rather than risk an investigation into the deal, thereby making it evident that the deal is nefarious. “Main bhi chowkidar” is a tactical blunder of epic proportions. First, it does nothing to counter the allegation that Modi is a thief. By not countering the allegation and trying to use “chowkidar” again, BJP’s strategy team is implicitly admitting to Modi being a thief. Put “chowkidar chor hai” and “main bhi chowkidar” together and it literally sounds like Modi is saying “main chor hoon” and “chor aur bhi hain”.

“Chowkidar” translates to security guard in English. Rather than being the protector of the country, he has been perpetrating hardships one after the other for the people in the last 5 years. All whistle blowers of the Vyapam scam have died under mysterious circumstances. Even Supreme Court judge Loya died mysteriously after taking up a case against Amit Shah. Instead of fighting corruption as he had claimed he would in 2014 during election rallies and even now during this election, he has been aiding and abetting with money launderers and corrupt business leaders.

From Vijay Mallya to Nirav Modi to Chanda Kochhar, all have disappeared from India under his watch. Because of colossal corporate NPAs, banks are being forced to pursue middle class borrowers who have defaulted on loans because of circumstances, treat them like willful defaulters and throw them out of their houses to recover loan amounts. This on top of rapidly growing inflation and unemployment and the government’s attempt to manipulate and show an improved GPA from the time of the erstwhile UPA government is laughable at best.

But what he did with demonetization and GST implementation are nothing less than crimes against the people of the country. Even without taking the approval of RBI, the country’s financial governing body, he pushed through demonetization which has become the biggest governance disaster of post independence India. By pulling out all the most widely used currency notes in the system and asking people to stand in never ending queues outside banks to get new currency notes, his personality as a brazen autocrat has been fully exposed. Subsequent RTIs have found out that demonetization failed to recover any hoarded black money which was initially claimed as the objective of demonetization. The added trauma of the botched GST implementation has almost destroyed the MSME sector and increased unemployment and inflation in the country.

To add to all of this, his unbridled fetish to cater to the greed of his election funding corporate friends has taken a huge toll on the country’s public sector. He has been doing his best to move public sector functions into the private sector and into the hands of his crony capitalist friends. Openly promoting Jio and neglecting BSNL completely has almost broken it down to the point where BSNL no longer has resources to pay salaries to its employees. It is the same overt eagerness to move defense into the private sector that has resulted in the Rafale scam and brought HAL to the verge of shutting down.

It is beyond any rationale that on one side, Anil Ambani had filed for bankruptcy and had been dragged to court by Ericsson for non-payment of dues and on the other side his company was being awarded the plum contract of a government defense deal. By writing off hectares of forest lands to Adani and other private players for destroying nature for their financial gains, he hasn’t spared even the tribals and the animals in the wild.

The last straw has been his now evident election gimmick of national security and portrayal of his image as the only leader who can protect the country from enemies and terrorists. First, he ignored clear intelligence warnings of terrorist attack on CRPF convoy, let more than 40 soldiers die and then launched an air strike against a supposed terrorist camp inside PoK which struck down a few trees and did nothing to the empty camps or to the leaders of the terrorist unit.

Pakistan air force retaliated in earnest, its jets crossed LOC, shepherded an Indian jet towards the LOC, shot it down and took the pilot as their prisoner. Modi literally threw Abhinandan and his family under the bus in his frenetic zeal to capture the perception of people and win votes. Without international pressure and without the Pakistan PM choosing to take the road of peace and handing over Abhinandan, Modi could have had done nothing to bring him back.

From nature to forests to tribals to the farmers to all the people of the country to every PSU to MSME sector to the armed forces, there is seemingly nothing that Modi has sought to antagonize and destroy. The only beneficiaries of his autocratic rule has been his corporate friends. He is their “chowkidar” and has no moral legitimacy to claim to be the “chowkidar” of the people. By claiming to be the “chowkidar” of the country, he is implicitly saying that the country and his government caters only to the elite class and everyone else is irrelevant.

The only silver lining from these last 5 years is the hope of emergence of a more critical and vocal population which demands greater accountability from future governments. From taking pride in a less educated man rising to the position of PM of the country, Modi has become the best example to reason as to why the country needs the most well educated people to govern the country.

The post “Main bhi Chowkidar” Is Just Another Election Gimmick From Brand Modi appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Humankind subsists on self-organization as does most of nature, spurred on by processes that lead to the emergence of order out of apparent chaos. Society is a collective of minds, interests, emotions…realities. Governing these realities in the human realm is the task of politics. Even as the Indian General Elections 2019 come to the fore, with the election dates having been declared, I feel it is time to reflect on aspects of politics as they exist in contemporary times. And in the process of doing so, see if an Indian conception of politics, sans the crutches of western political philosophies can be synthesised.

Gerua: Rediscovering A Tinge Of Renunciation

I feel the more earthy, rust-coloured ochre is the true colour of the Vedic idea of ‘renunciation’ rather than the almost-yellow saffron that has become representative of the way of life people regard as ‘Hinduism’. I will come to why I feel this is strangely important in contemporary times, but before doing so would like to briefly look at the historical moorings of ‘gerua’, the colour. In A Monograph on Dyes and Dyeing in the North western Provinces and Oudh [1], gerua is defined as jogia or the colour which mendicants, sages and fakirs used for dyeing their clothes. It refers to the colour as a dull orange. Understandably, this has been an austere colour for the Hindus and was in use for various ritual purposes. For Gandhi, ochre was not merely a colour of renunciation, as is purported in most Hindu religious texts, it also meant `selfless service for the betterment of the world’. Robert Taylor was a British civil servant who put together banners of princely chiefs for the imperial assemblage of 1877, and he was vociferously quite dismissive about the colour saffron. For instance, when the ruler of Reewah wished that the ‘basanti rang (spring colour) be part of his banner, Taylor found this to be the pale saffron worn by Rajputs at their weddings and in their display of fatal heroism. He further notes [2],

The full name is bhagwani i.e. the colour of bhagwan which Forbes translates cloth dyed with geru (red ochre), another common name is jogirang i.e. the colour worn by religious mendicants. I collected a few samples and am told that they are all shades of cinnamon brown; the popularity of the colour may be judged from the blazons, seeing that tenne is in every instance only a representative of the lighter shades, and murry (sanguine) in most instances a representative of the darker.

This heterogeneity in the understanding of the colour was unfortunately subsumed by what seems to be a forced homogenisation of the differences. There seems to have been a selective and partial interpretation of the colour in a manner wherein regional and local usages got attention and the meanings of geru or kesar or kusumba, which defied historical homogeneity (also due to the lack of homogeneity in those who wore it, cutting across various sects and belief-systems), acquired a specific shade of ‘saffron’ and also this shade came to be equated with the nation’s past in the twentieth century [3].

It was in the 1920s, around the time of the Khilafat movement that a certain shade of saffron came to be associated with the Hindus and also to India’s national history. Gandhi wanted to design a flag to represent his ideals, particularly that of Swaraj. On Gandhi’s suggestion, Pingali Venkayya of National College, Masulipatam designed a flag that contained a spinning wheel on a red (symbolising ‘Hindu colour’) and green (‘Muslim colour’) background in Bezwada. Later, white was added as the third colour. Gandhi writes [4],

Hindu–Muslim unity is not an exclusive term; it is an inclusive term, symbolic of the unity of all faiths domiciled in India. If Hindus and Muslims can tolerate each other, they are together bound to tolerate all other faiths. The unity is not a menace to the other faiths represented in India or to the world. So I suggest that the background should be white and green and red. The white portion is intended to represent all other faiths. The weakest numerically occupy the first place, the Islamic colour comes next, the Hindu colour red comes last, the idea being that the strongest should act as a shield to the weakest. The white colour moreover represents purity and peace. Our National Flag must mean that or nothing. And to represent the equality of the least of us with the best, an equal part is assigned to all the three colours in the design. I would advise all religious organizations, if they agree with my argument, to weave into their religious flags, as for instance the Khilafat, a miniature National Flag in the upper left hand corner. The regulation size of the Flag should contain the drawing of a full-sized spinning wheel.

The 1920s witnessed a long civil disobedience movement only on the issue of the flag, first in Jabalpur in July 1922 and later in Nagpur from March to August 1923. Sadan Jha, of the Centre for Social Studies, writes [3]

After the National Flag Satyagraha of 1922–23, this hoisting of the Flag became a dominant way of showing loyalty to the nation and it acquired the status of a political ritual with its own demands for sacrifices, sometimes non-violent, sometimes blood and lives. To die for the National Flag was to die for the nation—a way to martyrdom. The hoisting of the Flag symbolised an act of defiance as well as a kind of statement of freedom and liberation. References were made and inspirations were drawn from the Nagpur Satyagraha while discussing and deliberating the question of the flag in the country. In this sense, the Nagpur Satyagraha redefined the visual political environment for the future struggle, a detailed discussion of which is beyond the scope of this article.

The major objection against the Swaraj flag came from the Sikh community, which urged Gandhi in 1929 to include a colour representing their community (preferably, yellow) or to adopt a completely non-communal flag [5]. A flag committee was appointed by a resolution of the Congress Working Committee at their meeting on 2 April 1931 at Karachi. The objective of this committee was to specifically investigate into the ‘objection to the three colours in the Flag on the ground that they are conceived on a communal basis’. The Congress Working Group perceived the Swaraj Flag as the national flag that gained ‘popularity by usage and convention’ and wanted to recommend a flag for acceptance. As its first act, this committee sent out a questionnaire to various provincial Congress committees by the end of May 1931. On the other hand, the general public was contacted and addressed through the press, while members of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) were individually contacted by the AICC office. A large number of responses suggested an approach that involved refraining from adopting a communal position in the flag.

In a letter to Pattabhi Sitaramayya, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote [6],

We should make it perfectly clear that our flag is not based on communal considerations. No colour represents or will represent a community…I should like to retain red and green as they are beautiful colours.

Suniti Kumar Chatterji from Calcutta was one of those who wrote at length, initially about how universalist ideas must be espoused, and then looking at specific nuances of the lives of Indians. In Chatterji’s words [7],

Saffron colour was also the colour of discipline in life, physically or morally and spiritually, for it is the colour enjoined upon the Brahmacharin. A modification of this Saffron colour is the Yellowish Brown the Kasava or Kashaya of Buddhism, where it is the great symbol of the Buddhist brotherhood with its insistence on Ahimsa. This colour is of the earth it is a kind of khaki, for the red ochre is a pigment which is a gift of Mother Earth. This red-brown tint of the earth has also been accepted by Islam in India, for Muhammadan fakirs with robes dyed in geru are as much the wanderers over the highways of India as are their brothers in the quest, the Hindu Sadhus. It does not require much imagination or sense of the fitness of things to feel that in India’s National Flag her great message of Brahmacharya, Ahimsa and Vairagya should be symbolised by a colour which has been associated by her people with these ideals from time immemorial.

In the substitution of red with saffron, Chatterji was one among many in 1931 and this plan eventually was officially approved by the Congress and was subsequently adopted by the Constituent Assembly.

Coming back to the politicisation of the saffron, particularly around strong Marathi links with the bhagwa or kesariya colour, the homogenization of the ochre has so many layers of clarification required. In the process of this homogenization, the dark ochre that symbolized sacrifice and spirituality was removed from the scene. Instead it came to be associated with communist and socialist movements and ideologies…which neatly brings me to the central focus of this article. A synthesis of seemingly disparate ideologies and traditions that have, by virtue of core ideas and principles, commonalities that can create a truly Indian political philosophy.

Ṛtaniti and Satyashrama: New Age Dharmic Politics

I see the meta-dynamics of the Universe quite clearly, particularly being a student of Physics myself. A set of laws here, a manner of movement and interaction between entities and forces there. The Universe could have been a vast number of possibilities (in the multiverse picture, they all exist independently) but it is what it is. There is a certain order in the Universe, seemingly self-organizing but yet directed. This is what ancient Indian philosophers and seers called Ṛta. That which maintained this order and respected the nuances of this reality was the Truth or Satya. You may start feeling that I will embark on a detour of philosophy and spirituality next. Not quite. After a lot of reflection and meditating on the nuances of these concepts, I feel there are two core ideas and nuances that matter when one speaks of that wisdom that maintains the universal order (Ṛtaniti).

The universe has a relational reality. Modern physics speaks of the Big Bang and the intrinsic unity of all things we see emerging from that one point in the distant past. Over time, these entities and forces and symmetries emerged, giving rise to greater diversity in the Universe. Since then it has been a matter of interactions and relations between entities, coupling and decoupling over time and interactions. Similarly, in society and politics, all that we express and understand is with respect to our perspectives and culturing. What may have seemed like acceptable societal norms in Plantagenet English courts are archaic today. Ideas evolve, concepts evolve. We grow together, we live together. In Vedic philosophy, the unity in Brahman is expressed at each point in time and space, in the nature and activities of all there is in the Universe. As a result, nothing can survive without the safekeeping and nurturing of the unity itself, the oneness in humanity and the natural and honest compassion that comes from such a realization. Therefore the very first element in a philosophy that maintains Satya is that of compassionate politics. A politics that people speak of in terms of welfare states and benefit schemes. A politics of human oneness. That is what can truly mean a refuge in the Truth (Satyashrama). I espouse a society where basic amenities and tools for not only survival but dignified existence are provided to all. I feel that is crucial for the upholding of Dharma – that which maintains equilibrium in society and the universal order.

However, having said that, I also strongly believe in the idea of Swadharma: the tendencies and capacities of the individual, and a system that provides for opportunities and liberty to the same. Some are born with innate abilities to solve mathematical conundrums. Some are born athletes or singers or artists. Not only at the level of abilities but also comfort in undertaking certain pursuits, every person is distinct. Only when this idea and reality is respected can society remain harmonious and efficient. In today’s age, we have a rush to pursue certain kinds of activities. These are guided by aspects of remuneration and prestige many a times, over and above the comfort and interest of the individual in pursuing them. The ancient system of Varnashrama has been cited a number of times when it comes to problems with Hinduism, and the jati-based segregation is definitely not something I would stand for. It has imbibed a classist and hierarchical sense to it, whereas in certain texts like the Chandogya Upanishad, it talks of more fluidity in the manner in which individuals must take up professions as per their Swadharma. An academic’s son may become a farmer or blacksmith and a blacksmith’s son may become an academic if both have the respective tendencies, capacities and interest in those pursuits. An important point to note here is that Swadharmacan evolve. Someone who is good at singing but falls out of practice and does not maintain that talent may no longer be that suited for singing, while someone who may not a born singer may with practice and time and careful selection of a suitable area of music become known for singing. It is this fluid system, which respects the abilities and interests of the individual, that I would like to stand for without borrowing any terms or references that bring with them certain baggage (and a lot of debates). I seek to build a society where everyone, in essence, are equal, even though their human differences are evident and acknowledged actively. There is no hierarchy, no class. Just profession based on one’s Swadharma.

So the next question has to be: how do you bring the two strands together? One that respects our relational reality and one that respects our Swadharma. In modern parlance, and looking at contemporary political thought, the question is: how does one balance liberty and equality, the Left and the Right? It is by orienting Swadharma towards the relational reality. That is the true politics of Dharma that I have come upon after reflection. In practical terms, that entails having a basic welfare state that provides for facilities and amenities to all, which includes basic education and universal healthcare. This needs to be using a system of taxation. As Gandhi said, there is enough for everyone’s need but not anyone’s greed. Therefore, the key aspect of allowing people to pursue that which respects their Swadharma is to: firstly, encourage people to feed back into the system, monetarily and otherwise, and secondly, to reduce the accumulation of excessive (and even obscene amounts) of wealth in some hands. Both of these can be done using a few ways, one of which would involve strict progressive taxation and the other could involve a novel way of incentivising the accumulation of social capital rather than financial capital. The near-perfect solution would probably have to be a combination of both.

An Economy of Social Capital, Personal Social Responsibility and e-Democracy

Since the industrial revolution, capital and resources feeding into and from the market have played a primary role in human existence and society. A role much more prominent than probably ever in the past. In fact, so much so that all aspects of society and politics revolves only around the generation, transfer and maintenance of capital and resources. I propose a slight variation, wherein the relation one has with society is made important too. Much like corporate bodies have the whole culture of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), wherein Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) makes corporates look good on paper to market forces and society at large, one needs to actively bring this down to the individual level, with what I would like to simply call as Personal Social Responsibility (PSR). A system wherein social capital is the bedrock of society as much as financial capital is. This could be with a way in social capital, if there could be a formal and physical way of assessing that, is transferred between individuals and actively endorsed in the process. I know that people will speak of the subjectivity involved but here I am not highlighting the nitty-gritty as much as I am seeking a cultural change that makes it good, fashionable even, to be truly and honestly compassionate, caring and altruistic. If we can have social media and the use of technology for everything from taking ridiculous selfies on falling ocean waves to bitcoining away to glory, why can we not use technology to also facilitate this idea of an `economy of social capital’. An economy where social capital fundamentally defines the way in which a person is perceived and engaged with, when it comes to interactions or transactions, much like corporates have in their CSR culture. Some may say that this may take away from the selflessness of altruism or care for society. I do not think so, till there are checks and balances to keep endorsements (on a certain charitable act or initiative) measured and anonymous, and that the largely picture and importance of the social capital is highlighted.

I feel that this system will go quite well with what I see as the most Dharmic form of government: collaborative e-governance and democracy. A system that mixes elements of representative and direct democracy. That allows the common man to propose, formulate and stand by ideas for the welfare of society. A system that involves the common man in the decision-making process, without compromising on the quality of the policies and decisions made. This is done through a tiered system that involves all the stakeholders: representatives, private sector, independent organizations and think-tanks, and the common man, coming together on a virtual platform. Under this system, proposals for policy or law can be put forth by individuals or groups, vetted by experts (who also inform the masses and the representatives of the nuances of a suggested policy), and then voted in. In a direct democracy, each citizen would be required to vote on each policy issue each time. This could overburden most people and not allow for the pursuit of activities and interests as per their Swadharma, and therefore in a truly Dharmic system, the citizens should be able to delegate responsibility to trusted representatives to vote on their behalf on those issues where they lack time and/or interest and/or knowledge and understanding. Though these representatives vote on the individual’s behalf, the final voting power must remain with the voter at the ground level. In this system, if the economy of social capital may be integrated, then we move towards a system of governance and politics that is not only Dharmic but highly efficient and representative. In this section, I have looked at the practicalities and possibilities of such a system, while in the previous section I looked at the broader framework for such a political philosophy.

In Conclusion

In this essay, I have looked at some core ideas of ancient Indian philosophy and tried to synthesize by reasoning and reflection a truly Indian political philosophy – Satyashrama. Today people speak of Hindu nationalism and communal politicking in the same breath. Today people talk of fascism and a culture that has always believed in tolerance and dignity of the individual since times immemorial, again, in the same breath. It is shameful that this is the case, and this has happened due to a combination of lack of proper representation of fundamentally Indian values and ideals today, as well as convenient veiling of these values and ideals for political gain. It is time for change. For meaningful change. Change that respects the roots of Indian life, culture and society, and at the same time is at the very frontier of the modern age, in its conception and application. A politics that is not just saffron but also every tinge of ochre and human-realities.

Satyashrama is not capitalist in that it has a fundamental aspect in its compassion for all. It is not communist for liberty of the individual is maintained and respected. It is not even a social market economy, since the private sector need not be forced to pay the welfare state. It relies on the belief in the innate humanity of the individual, taken to a level where practically it becomes good and useful to feed back into the system. It relies on the belief that every person must have the dignity to life and opportunities to live a good life, a life based on their Swadharma. One key issue that may emerge is the accumulation of interest and talent in a generation on one profession, which has to be pre-empted by a slow cultural change where all livelihoods and professions are fundamentally respected and promoted.

All in all, the details and nuances may need more work over time, but with this essay and these words, I present what has emerged from years of thought and reflection –  a system of life, politics and society for a sustainable today and tomorrow, which respects universal and fundamental truths of society.

References:

[1] Anon., A Monograph on Dyes and Dyeing, pp. 12, 62, 84.

[2] Taylor, The Princely Armory, p. 5

[3] Jha, S. Challenges in the history of colours: The case of saffron. The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 51, 2 (2014): 199–229.

[4] Gandhi, ‘The National Flag’, Young India, 13 April 1921, CWMG, Vol. 19, p. 561

[5] Report of the Flag Committee.  ‘Sikh Colour’, 4 August 1921, CWMG, Vol. 20, 1921, p. 462

[6] Nehru to Pattabhi Sitaramayya, 12 April 1931, AICC, file no. G-57/1931/53-55, NMML; also in Gopal, Nehru: Selected Works, Vol. 5, p. 242.

[7] Chatterji, The National Flag, p. 8

The post Satyashrama: My Reflections On What True Hindu Nationalism Would Look Like appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

The poll bugle has been sounded. In a vast, densely populated and infinitely diverse country such as India conducting elections is an enormously complex process. Predicting the outcome of the elections is even more difficult. That is why most of the pre-poll and exit polls surveys go haywire and give out results that are no way near to the actual outcomes.

From now onwards, newspapers will be full of juicy news and television channels air hot, chaotic debates. Cities and villages alike will turn noisy as politicians hit streets seeking votes. Many politicos leave seemingly sinking parties and leapfrog onto the parties with better prospects to keep their political careers afloat. Parties deploy their best spin doctors to defend the seemingly indefensible things and level all types of allegations and counter allegations against their opponents with an intention to gain one-upmanship. Not only social media but even the mainstream media will be abuzz with subjective opinions and even fake news.

In a democracy, the voice of the people is the voice of God. For full five years, the politicos voiced their “Mann Ki Baat” at regular intervals through various platforms and the people silently listened. Now, the ordinary people, including the poorest of the poor without an iota of social privilege, will gain their momentary strength to collectively change the fortunes of not only the politicos but even their plutocrat cronies. Because it is mostly the poor who take elections seriously and queue up in front of the polling booths with infinite optimism, and the rich hardly take them seriously except that some celebs flash their inked fingers on the polling day.

In this age of PR, mass media and lobbying only those who have the required resources at their disposal can make their voice heard and get what they want. They write and speak about the need of introducing more economic reforms and improving the ‘ease of doing business’ environment. They seek tax cuts, bailouts and various other sops that enable them to accumulate more wealth. And they also get more car-centric and bullet train-centric infrastructure built at the expense of the affordable public transport.

The poor and the ordinary, who lack any resources, keep a low profile most of the time except when they vote and hit streets in distress. So, the elections, in a way, are the only platform for the poor and the downtrodden to voice their collective “Mann Ki Baat” and this platform must be utilized in an effective and judicious manner.

Now comes the question as to what the underprivileged want? They, undoubtedly, want opportunities to earn their livelihoods and want to lead comfortable lives, in other words, they want to get ‘ease of living’. They want employment opportunities, good quality education for their children and healthcare services. Unfortunately, most of these remain a mirage for them. The ruling dispensations, instead of taking concrete and result-oriented action to improve the quality of life of the people, always resort to tokenism in the name of various schemes just to hoodwink the masses.

So far in the garb of governance, we only witnessed impressive sounding slogans, dazzling events, high decibel campaigns with no programs to bring about any perceptible improvement in the standard of living of the ordinary folks. The rulers, to divert the attention of the people, bring forth a host of non-issues to create an emotionally charged environment with an intention to distract the attention of the people away from the bread and butter issues. They, instead of asking for votes based on their good deeds, resort to social engineering to win elections.

Politicians, who act as “Chowkidars” of the plutocrats and jealously safeguard their interests at the expense of the livelihoods of the commoners, resort to welfare tokenism in the last minute. And to cover up their non-performance, they coin new slogans to entertain and distract the masses. Maybe that is why Marx quipped about elections by saying, “The oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class are to represent and repress them.” So, in a democracy, the elections are all about opting for a lesser evil.

But democracy is also about optimism and hoping for better. Therefore, people should continue to explore various options in their pursuit of better alternatives. There are many who are calling for ‘stability’. Stability is good as long as it leads to welfare and ease of living. Stability laden with empty rhetoric is not only futile but also causes damage to the long-term prospects of the nation. Therefore, an enduring change for the better should be the mantra of the people especially the poor and underprivileged. Let us hope that the forthcoming elections will pave way for the change.

The post Elections Are The Only Platform For The Poor To Voice Their ‘Mann Ki Baat’ appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

By Smarinita Shetty:

India has no shortage of billionaires. We added 17 new ones in 2017 alone, taking the count up to 101. During the same year, the wealth of this elite group increased by INR 20,91,300 crore—an amount equal to the total budget of Central Government in 2017-18.

There is another list that tracks how the rich have fared in India year after year—the Hurun India Rich List which looks at people with a wealth of over INR 1,000 crore. In 2018, 831 individuals made it to this list [1] —a 35% increase from last year and a jump of 100 percent since 2016. The average wealth on the 2018 list was around INR 5,900 crores.

Mukesh Ambani who topped the India Rich List with a net worth of INR 3,71,000 crore was ranked number one on the philanthropy list as well, having donated INR 437 crore towards education, healthcare, and rural development; the amount donated equals 0.1% of his wealth.

This is also the first year Mr, Ambani has made it to the top of the philanthropy list, despite having topped the Rich List for the seventh year running.

While the number of Indians giving more than INR 10 crore during the year rose from 27 in 2016 to 39 in 2018, the average donation size actually reduced from INR 86 crore to INR 40 crore.

Mr. Azim Premji To The Rescue

Over the years, Azim Premji has single-handedly shored up these numbers: He gave INR 8,000 crore in 2013, INR 12,316 crore in 2014, and INR 27,514 crore in 2015. Without his contribution, the data would look as follows:

To drive home the point, in 2018, while we had 831 men and women whose average wealth was INR 5,900 crore, only 39 of them gave an average of INR 40 crore (or 0.68% of their wealth), and most of them did it via their companies.

Where We Stand Compared To China

When we compare ourselves to China, as we are wont to do with different aspects of our country’s performance—be it the rate of economic growth, the state of infrastructure, population and demographics, or even just the number of billionaires—we come off looking even worse.

In 2018, China had 100 philanthropists who gave more than INR 17 crore each year. Of these, 13 were women. The average donation amount was INR 230 crore.

So, Is Philanthropy In India Really Growing?

The Bain India Philanthropy Report, 2017, that is so often quoted by everyone who writes about the exponential growth in private philanthropy in India, contains the following data:

However if one breaks down the INR 36,000 crore in the period April 2015-March 2016, it is highly likely that INR 27,514 crore came from Mr. Premji alone [4][5]; which means that other Indian philanthropists gave just around INR 8,500 crore.  When this number is compared to INR 6,000 crore in FY 2011, the jump is more modest at 41% and lower than the pace at which CSR and foreign funding grew, during that five year period.

The question then to ask is: Is the philanthropic market actually growing? Or is it dependent on the same few individuals and foundations who give generously year after year?

For a country that is estimated to produce 70 new Dollar millionaires (people with a net worth of INR 7 crore) every single day between 2018 and 2022, the question to ask is what can we do to encourage many of them to become philanthropists?

If You Can’t Measure It, You Can’t Improve It

As a starting point, we need to do more around tracking giving in India at different levels. While Hurun attempts to cover giving by the very rich, research and consulting firm, Sattva, is attempting to track everyday giving by ordinary citizens. We need data for individuals in the vast middle (who earn between INR 50 lakh to 100 crores annually), and who have the potential to give between INR 1 lakh to INR 5 crore every year.

The last report that came closest to this was the Bain India Philanthropy Report 2015, which surveyed 377 individuals. However, 49.1% of these were people who gave between INR 50,000–INR 1 lakh—still relatively smaller ticket. Since then, their subsequent reports [6] have been based on data drawn from interviews and surveys with a much smaller sample size of 33-56 ultra-high net worth individuals.

Ashoka University’s Centre for Social impact and Philanthropy (CSIP) has made a start by looking to scrape data from large databases (Union Budget documents, Ministry of Home Affairs, Income Tax Department, NGO Darpan, and Ministry of Corporate Affairs) to pull together data on different types of giving. While they have succeeded in compiling and analysing data for foreign funding and CSR, they acknowledge that ‘Individual giving remains the biggest missing piece in estimating the total volume and value of philanthropic capital in India’.

We Need To Look Beyond ‘High Net Worth’ Philanthropists

Conversation and media attention around philanthropy in India has tended to focus almost entirely on the ultra-wealthy and CSR. However, the former do not seem to be too keen on giving, while the latter will continue to plod along and grow steadily as mandated by the law.

Maybe it’s time to focus on smaller-ticket individual giving or retail giving. At the moment, the data on this front isn’t too encouraging either. According to the World Giving Index [7] that is released each year by Charities Aid Foundation, India was ranked 124^th among 144 countries in 2017; this has been our worst performance in the last five years [8]. We have also consistently been at the bottom of the heap when compared to all our South-Asian neighbours. [9]

However, given the attention and money that has been channeled to build high-value philanthropy, as a sector, we have done almost nothing to grow the mass-market—the everyday givers. In the US, individuals accounted for 70% of all giving.

Also read: How Age Induces Poverty That Our Policies Fail To Keep Up With

In India there are almost no organisations, other than voluntary initiatives like DaanUtsav, that serve as market-makers for people to give. While organisations like GiveIndia, and crowdfunding platforms like Ketto, Smallchange.ngo, and Milaap seek to ‘tap’ the market, they don’t have the wherewithal to ‘grow’ the market.

Just as foundations, the likes of Omidyar Network, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, USAID and others, have invested in intermediary organisations to build the ‘strategic’ philanthropic market, we need institutions and foundations—who are interested in growing and strengthening domestic philanthropy, to invest in inspiring people to give, building campaigns and awareness around causes, and improving the retail-giving infrastructure.

The limited data we have shows that there is almost no link between the growing wealth in our country and the amount people give via philanthropy. And, left to itself, domestic Indian philanthropy, whether retail or high-value, is unlikely to grow in the manner in which we would like it to.

For that to change, we need more data, new strategies, different approaches, and more organisations that can build new giving markets. Without this, we will fail in our attempts to support civil society in the manner that it truly deserves.

—

[1] The Hurun Indian Philanthropy list, 2018, ranked all Indians who donated INR 10 crore or more between October 2017-September 2018.

[2] Wealth calculations are a snapshot as on July 31, 2018, the same date as previous years.

[3] To make this list, the Hurun Report surveys 800 of India’s most successful entrepreneurs, including those from the Hurun India Rich List, meticulously cross-referencing the results with media reports and charitable foundations. The report includes cash and cash equivalents pledged with legally binding commitments for the twelve-month period under review. The report also includes donations made by companies in which an individual had a significant share by applying the percentage the individual has of the company on the donations.

[4] The Bain India Philanthropy Report does not provide the breakup of the Rs 36,000 Cr for FY 2016 (April 2015-March 2016); It states: “A large portion of this amount has come from a few established givers who have pledged large sums of their net worth to philanthropy.”

[5] Mr. Premji announced his decision to give away an additional 18% of his stake in Wipro in July 2015; the Hurun List 2015 that estimated the INR 27,514 crore tracked giving between November 2014 and October 2015.

[6] The Bain India Philanthropy report 2017 surveyed 33 individual philanthropists, and Dasra conducted in-depth interviews with 23 philanthropists; the 2018 report was drawn from interviews with 33 philanthropists.

[7] World Giving Index of global generosity tracks how people across the world give money, volunteer, or help a stranger in need.

[8] CAF ranking for India was 81 during 2016, 91 during 2015,  and 106 during 2014.

[9] While India is usually on top of the list in terms of sheer numbers (because of the size of the country), it fares poorly in terms of rankings because that is a measure of people giving as a percentage of the country’s population.

—

This was originally published on India Development Review. You can read it here.

About the author:

Smarinita Shetty: Smarinita is the Co-founder and CEO at IDR. She has more than 20 years of experience leading functions across strategy, operations, sales, and business development, largely in startup environments within corporates and social enterprises. Prior to IDR, Smarinita worked at Dasra, Monitor Inclusive Markets (now FSG), JP Morgan and The Economic Times. She also co-founded Netscribes–India’s first knowledge process outsourcing firm. Her work and opinion have been featured in The Economist, Times of India, Mint and The Economic Times. Smarinita has a BE in Computer Engineering and an MBA in Finance, both from Mumbai University.

The post Philanthropy In India Is Growing: Fact Or Fiction? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Pradip Krishen is (or was) an unusual filmmaker. His first film “In Which Annie Gives It Those Ones” won a National Award and has gained a cult status in Indian parallel cinema. Film buffs might know it for two special reasons–one, it was one of Shahrukh Khan’s earliest film appearances (as an ‘other others’ cast) and two, it starred among others, an unlikely name in Bollywood–Arundhati Roy. In fact, it was Roy’s literary genius that gave the film an intellectual flavor, touched by her signature subtlety of storytelling.

The film is about a group of college peers studying at the National Institute of Architecture in Delhi who have an uncanny resemblance to the hippies of North America. The character of Annie is a guy in constant existential crisis who keeps a hen in his room and dreams of solving the problem of urban migration by turning trains into vehicles for planting fruit trees. He seems to have an old altercation with “Yamdoot”, the head of the architecture department who, at one point, helps him get out of police lockup.

Arundhati Roy plays a carefree, urbane girl who has Marxist ideas about the whole business of architecture, wherein it is only the upper class that exploits the cityscape while the poor and the downtrodden make their ends meet in the ‘gaps’ that exist in the urban environment. Other interesting characters in the film include a guy from Uganda whose dream is to build a world-class multiplex in the heart of Kampala and who wails in his sleep because his ‘pop’ was killed by Idi Amin. Shahrukh Khan’s small but noticeable role is that of a quirky senior who speaks polished English and parts his (oily) hair in the middle.

The most important aspect of the film is a continuous sense of irreverence; irreverence of a creative nature. Dissent is the constant undertone that runs throughout the film, be it Annie’s unwillingness to submit to the norms set up for him by his college, or the firm resolve of Roy’s character to present a thesis on her Marxist perspective of architecture for her final examination. Unlike today’s intolerance and ‘anti-nationalisation’ of opposing views, even in the universities, the film depicts an acceptance and an eventual celebration of such views. As the end credits appear on the screen, the viewers are told that all those characters, who seemed disobedient and careless in their approach to conventional rules of education, actually did make something of their lives. It is a kind reassurance that you don’t have to agree with everything you are taught to be able to succeed in life.

“In Which Annie Gives It Those Ones” is a film which finds relevance in our world today. In a society where colleges have been converted into factories of degree holders and slaves of the system, this film seeks to inspire creativity and a narrative of counter-culture in the youth. It is an experimental film which can boast of great fun and humor with a deeply insightful undercurrent.

The fact that the makers of this film, both Pradip Krishen and Arundhati Roy, returned their awards in protest of the current regime’s takeover of space for free speech speaks for the urgency of the message it sought to convey way back in 1989.

The post A Curious Film Starring SRK And Arundhati Roy Celebrated Dissent In 1989 appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

साल 2008, फिरोज़शाह कोटला स्टेडियम। इंडिया वर्सेज़ ऑस्ट्रेलिया, बॉर्डर गावस्कर सीरीज़ का तीसरा मुकाबला। दुनिया के सर्वश्रेष्ठ गेंदबाज़ों में से एक शेन वॉटसन ने 65 रन के स्कोर पर खेल रहे औसत कद के दुबले-पतले भारतीय लड़के को एक गेंद फेंकी। लड़के ने गेंद पर एक ज़ोरदार प्रहार किया और अपनी पूरी ताकत के साथ एक रन के लिए दौड़ पड़ा। वह सामने के क्रीज पर पहुंचने ही वाला था कि शेन वॉटसन ने अपनी खीझ में उसे अपनी कोहनी दिखाते हुए कुछ बताने का प्रयास किया।

इस बार जब वह दूसरे रन के लिए पलटा तो इस बीच वह अपनी कोहनी की भूमिका तय कर चुका था और चंद कदम आगे बढ़ते ही जो हुआ उस समय पूरी दुनिया उस ऐतिहासिक क्षण की गवाह बन रही थी। जब ऑस्ट्रेलियाई क्रिकेट इतिहास में पहली बार उनके ‘स्लेजिंग कल्चर’ को किसी भारतीय ने सीधी चुनौती दे दी थी। उस लड़के ने शेन वॉटसन को अपनी कोहनी से हिट कर दिया।

यह सिर्फ एक कोहनी नहीं थी, उस दिन ‘भारतीय मनोबल’ ने ‘ऑस्ट्रेलियाई दम्भ’ पर एक ‘सर्जिकल स्ट्राइक’ की थी। इसका आगाज़ सन् 2002 में देश के सफलतम कैप्टन सौरभ गांगुली, लॉर्ड्स के विश्वप्रसिद्ध मैदान में अंग्रेज़ों के सामने हवा में अपनी शर्ट को लहराते हुए ‘एयर स्ट्राइक’ करके पहले ही कर चुके थे। जिसमें सफलतापूर्वक इस ‘मिथ’ को तोड़ दिया गया कि भारत सिर्फ एक रक्षात्मक देश है, आक्रामक नहीं।

जिसके महत्व की अभिव्यक्ति ‘दिनकर’ की इन पंक्तियों में बड़े ही व्यापक तरीके से होती है-

क्षमा शोभती उस भुजंग को जिसके पास गरल हो,

उसको क्या जो दंतहीन, विषहीन, विनीत, सरल हो।

हालांकि यह कोई पहला वाकया नहीं था, जब उन्होंने किसी टीम को मुंह तोड़ जवाब दिया हो। इससे पहले वह ‘पाकिस्तानी टीम’ के विस्फोटक बल्लेबाज़ शाहिद अफरीदी को ‘उन्हीं की भाषा में जवाब’ दे चुके थे। जबकि उन्हें इन वजहों से कभी बैन तो कभी जु़र्माने के रूप में ‘गंभीर’ परिणाम भुगतने पड़े।

राजनीति में गौतम गंभीर

यह सारी बातें कल एक क्रम से मेरे दिमाग में दौड़ गईं, जब मैंने उन्हें एक राजनीतिक दल के सदस्य के रूप में स्थापित होते देखा। एक नई भूमिका, एक नया भविष्य, एक नई सोच पर वही पुराने तेवरों के साथ, जिसमें उन्होंने जाने के संकेत अपने आखिरी अंतरराष्ट्रीय मैच के तुरंत बाद हुए साक्षात्कार में दे दिए थे।

क्रिकेट से संन्यास लेने के बाद जब एक साक्षात्कार में उनसे राजनीति में आने के बारे में पूछा गया तो उनका जवाब था “यदि मुझे मौका मिला तो मैं राजनीति में जाऊंगा लेकिन रबर स्टैंप नहीं बनूंगा”।

अब जब वह राजनीति में सक्रिय रूप से अपनी भूमिका तय कर चुके हैं, तब उनके राजनीतिक व्यक्तित्व को समझने के लिए उनके क्रिकेटर व्यक्तित्व को तय करने वाले दृश्य में झांकने की ज़रूरत है।

राजनीति के सफर की शुरुआत से पहले एक क्रिकेटर के रूप में गौतम गंभीर के व्यक्तित्व की झलक

2011 विश्वकप, विश्व प्रसिद्ध वानखेड़े स्टेडियम में खेला जा रहा है। वह फाइनल मैच, जिसमें वह सेंचुरी से मात्र तीन रन दूर होते हैं। ऐसे संवेदनशील स्कोर पर होकर जिसमें दुनिया के सर्वाधिक महान बल्लेबाज़ भी ‘नर्वस नाइंटीज़’ का शिकार हो जाते हैं। नर्वस होना लाज़िमी है, जब वो गेंद वह महान बॉलर फेंक रहा हो, जो दिग्गज क्रिकेटरों के सपनों में आकर उनकी नींद खराब करने के लिए मशहूर होता है। यह जानते हुए भी कि वह अब तक के वर्ल्डकप इतिहास में एक नया रिकॉर्ड बनाने की दहलीज़ पर खड़े हैं।

उस समय की सर्वाधिक आवश्यक ‘रनरेट’ को बरकरार रखने के लिए खुद के ‘निजी उपलब्धि’ की परवाह किये बिना, वो लेग साइड में रूम बनाकर ‘डाउन द पिच’ आते हैं, स्लॉग करते हैं और मिस कर जाते हैं। मिडिल स्टंप अपनी जगह से थोड़ा हिल जाता है।

एक पल के लिए वानखेडे स्टेडियम में शांति छा जाती है और अगले ही पल पूरा स्टेडियम तालियों की गूंज़ से भर जाता है। लोग उस विश्वकप फाइनल के सर्वाधिक विजयी पटकथा लिखने वाले नायक के लिए खुश थे लेकिन शायद बाद में सबके लिए रह जाने वाले उस मलाल के साथ, जिसमें उनको व्यक्तिगत रूप से ‘गंदी जर्सी’ के सिवा कुछ नहीं मिल पाया।

साल 2007 में उनकी वर्ल्ड T20 फाइनल की पारी को भी कभी भुलाया नहीं जा सकता है, जिसमें उनके द्वारा अकेले 57% रन बनाने के बाद भी उनकी भूमिका पार्श्व में तय कर दी जाती है।

शायद हमें उनके बाकी कई उपलब्धियों को जानने के लिए विकिपीडिया का सहारा लेना पड़ सकता है। जिनमें से शायद यह भी कि वह भारत के एकमात्र ऐसे कप्तान रहे हैं, जो पांच से अधिक वनडे में कप्तानी करने के बावजूद कभी नहीं हारे।

क्रिकेट से संन्यास लेने के बाद सामाजिक मुद्दों पर गंभीर की भूमिका

वह क्रिकेट से संन्यास लेने के बाद देश के कई बड़े मुद्दों और समस्याओं पर सोशल मीडिया और अन्य तरीकों से अपनी प्रतिक्रियाएं रखते रहे हैं। पुलवामा आतंकी हमले के बाद उन्होंने वर्ल्ड कप में भारत-पाक मैच को लेकर कहा था,

अगर भारत को पाकिस्तान के खिलाफ वर्ल्ड कप फाइनल भी खेलना पड़े तो उस मैच को नहीं खेलना चाहिए। मैं मानता हूं कि हमारा देश भी इसके लिए तैयार नहीं होगा। हमें अपने फैसलों पर यू-टर्न नहीं लेना चाहिए। जैसा कि समाज के कुछ तबकों से आवाज़ आनी शुरू हो चुकी है कि हमें खेल और राजनीति की एक साथ तुलना नहीं करनी चाहिए।

उनके सामाजिक व्यक्तित्व की कुछ समझ उन घटनाओं से बनाई जा सकती है, जब उन्होंने छत्तीसगढ़ के सुकमा में नक्सली हमले में 25 शहीद जवानों के बच्चों के पढ़ाई की ज़िम्मेदारी को आगे बढ़ कर स्वीकार किया था।

फिर चाहे असम में शहीद सीआरपीएफ जवान दिवाकर दास के परिवार के खर्चे की बात हो, या जम्मू कश्मीर में शहीद हुए पुलिस अफसर अब्दुल राशिद की बेटी जोहरा के शैक्षणिक ज़िम्मेदारी की। चाहे गरीबों के लिए दिल्ली में लंगर की शुरुआत रही हो या ऑर्गन डोनेशन कैंप में हिस्सा लेना। इन्होंने अपने ‘फाउंडेशन’ के माध्यम से देश के लिए अपनी ज़िम्मेदारी के ‘गंभीर’ भाव को दर्शाया।

6 सितंबर 2018 को जब सुप्रीम कोर्ट के एक ऐतिहासिक फैसले से देश मुखातिब हुआ, जिसमें ‘धारा 377’ को अपराध की श्रेणी से बाहर कर दिया गया था। जब लोग दबी आवाज़ से इस फैसले का समर्थन या विरोध अपने तर्कों या अनुभवों के आधार पर कर रहे थे, तब भारतीय समाज में ‘एलियन’ की तरह देखे जाने वाले LGBTQ+ समाज के लोगों ने अपने हक की लड़ाई की जीत के जश्न में 11 सितंबर को एक ‘हिजड़ा हब्बा’ प्रोग्राम रखा।

शाम तक इस कार्यक्रम की एक खास तस्वीर पूरे सोशल मीडिया पर वायरल होकर चर्चा का विषय बन गई। वह तस्वीर इसी क्रिकेटर की थी, जिसके माथे पर लाल बिंदी और सिर पर काले दुपट्टे से निकलने वाला संदेश उस सामाजिक दोहरेपन को चुनौती दे रहा था, जिसमें लोग इस समुदाय का समर्थन तो कर सकते हैं लेकिन अपने बराबर सम्मान कभी नहीं देते।

खैर, अब आगे उनका राजनीतिक भविष्य है और पीछे एक खूबसूरत उपलब्धियों की श्रृंखला। उम्मीद है कि उपलब्धियां अब नए आयामों के द्वार का वाहक बनेंगी। गौतम के राजनीतिक ‘गंभीरता’ से देश परिचित होगा और शायद जिसकी प्रतिध्वनि उनके एक साक्षात्कार के दौरान दिए गए उत्तर में मिलती है। उन्होंने कहा था,

अगर मैं राजनीति में कभी गया तो लोगों से यही कहूंगा कि वह क्रिकेटर गंभीर को वोट ना दें। मैं उनसे कहूंगा कि वह उस गौतम गंभीर को वोट दें, जो ज़िन्दगी में ज़्यादा-से-ज़्यादा लोगों तक पहुंचने का लक्ष्य रखता है। उनकी जिंदगी में बदलाव लाना चाहता है। मैं झूठ की राजनीति पसंद नहीं कर सकता, मैं वही कहता हूं जो मैं कर सकता हूं। इसमें जो लोग भरोसा करते हैं वही मुझे वोट दें।

The post “क्रिक्रेट के बाद अब राजनीति के लिए भी क्यों बेहतर चेहरा हैं गौतम गंभीर” appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Delhi University used to be a premier centre of excellence in higher education. The academic stature of this university, with which I have been associated for over four decades, has been plummeting over the years. A cloud of pedagogic mediocrity has been gathering over the university. This is not merely a matter of compromising merit in teacher appointments. It is a result, more fundamentally, of the growing degradation of the human ambience – especially the caring attitude necessary to build up lives – of the university.

In the nine years that I was principal of St. Stephen’s College, I used to be astonished how an institution, administered as Delhi University was, could survive at all. Let me be specific in the interest of clarity. St. Stephen’s admits 50 students to first-year Economic Hons. We get over 7500 applications for this course alone. It was a crying need to increase intake. An application was moved with the university in 2012 for permission to increase the intake to 100 students. An inspection team came, assessed the college and submitted a favourable report. No action ensued for years. I wrote on several occasions to the university, besides contacting the then Vice-Chancellor repeatedly. No decision has been taken till date! I can cite instance after instance of a similar kind.

What all stakeholders of education refuse to realize is the importance of the learning environment. You may put brilliant teachers in a university. But, if the learning environment is inhospitable to the pursuit of academic excellence, they will deliver mediocre services. The tragedy, which is today pan-Indian, is that learning becomes a torment, endured impassively by students for want of alternatives. It was rarely that I used to see happy students even in St. Stephen’s College.

Now the avalanche has hit. Massive frustration has erupted in Delhi University. Postgraduate students are protesting against the humiliation inflicted on them through semester examinations. The grievance is, reportedly, more acute among Mathematics and Physics postgraduate students.  Out of 279 first-year MSc Physics students, 262 failed in theory examinations, internal testing or both in at least one subject. In the Electro-Magnetic Theory paper as many as 258 students failed in the internal theory examination. 28 students out of 30 from Miranda House, 7 out of 7 from SGBT Khalsa College, 48 out of 50 from Hindu College and 5 out of 7 from St. Stephen’s, to take a few examples.

What about Mathematics postgraduate students? 35 out of 39 students failed in the third-semester Computational Fluid Dynamics Paper. 150 out of 300 students failed in the first semester Field Theory Paper.

To discourage aggrieved students from applying for re-evaluation, the corresponding fee was jacked up to ₹1000 per application. Even then they are kept waiting in agony and helplessness for months on end. This is sadistic, to say the least.

Delhi University admits only students of proven academic aptitude to its postgraduate courses. The seats available are limited and competition for admission is tough. That given, the university owes an explanation to the public, at whose expense it is funded and maintained, how this massive epidemic of mediocrity has overtaken a set of potentially competent students.

Going by past experiences, it is unlikely that any attempt is made to face the realities to which these distressing outcomes draw our attention. It is only in religion, if at all, that things happen in a supernatural fashion and individuals are fated to succeed or fail irrespective of their merits and efforts. Ordinary life is governed by a cause-effect relationship. So, if there is an effect, there surely is a cause. The inability to face the cause and the inclination to disown responsibility characterize academia today. As a result, eradicable maladies remain endemic in the domain of higher education.

Fixing accountability is the weakest link in the educational chain. The reigning mindset is configured on power. Requiring those ‘in power’ – not those ‘in authority’ – to be accountable, is perceived as an insult. Bureaucratic vanity stands in the way of responding remedially to situations of disarray, as in the present instance. Most administrators in education go out of their way to cultivate political godfathers. This, they know, is sufficient to ensure their continuation in office in spite of thunder.

My own experiences in academic administration convince me that the learning environment that prevails in centres of higher education, including colleges, is inhospitable to the pursuit of excellence. There are many facets to this, which need careful study and proactive intervention. All aspects of this worrisome tragedy are cultural. We don’t believe in ourselves. We are not excited about, or motivated to, developing our huge potential. Rather, we feel unhappy when someone excels and outshines. St. Stephen’s College, for instance, is enveloped by a thick fog of love-hate ambivalence. This is due largely to the uniqueness and the distinction of the institution. It is as if it is an impertinence to excel.

The public has no expectations from our universities. As a result, the self-perception of our universities is overladen with a sense of underprivilege which feeds mediocrity in service.  To be in academics is deemed to be consigned to a shadowy existence on the periphery of public life. The negativity immanent in this outlook is aggravated by a near-total absence of accountability, which teachers have come to treat as a professional perk. They know no one cares. They too don’t.

Why is it that our students – and not always the best – begin to excel as soon as they join an overseas university? Why is it that we don’t have a single university among the world’s top two hundred? Why is it that we don’t have instances of academicians recognized at the global levels? It is not that our professors don’t travel and attend conferences. They do. But a key determinant in this, in most instances, is networking sustained by reciprocal courtesies.

Based on my experiences with Delhi University it is clear to me that the human element, much more than technical and financial inputs, is the critical factor.  It is naïve to assume that by pumping a few hundred cores into a university it can be nudged up to global standards! The pursuit of excellence is a spiritual thing, in the universal and humane senses of the word. Spirituality is light. The goal of education is enlightenment. It is to activate the inner light of students. The various aspects of the curriculum, including the role of teachers, need to be conducive to this goal.

The teaching of Physics or Mathematics – or any subject, for that matter – will not improve, nor will learning become joyful, so long as the learning environment does not become conducive to effecting enlightenment through education. A human being is far more than a brain. Excellence is not merely cerebral. Excellence results when the fullness of an individual responds to the fullness of a system. Today, higher education in our country is an unhappily choreographed encounter between burdened students and burdensome teachers. The outcome, as in the present instance, is entirely predictable and, alas, lamentable.

Featured image for representative purpose only.
Featured image source: Seek1/Wikimedia Commons.

The post “At St Stephens, Rarely Did I See Happy Students,” Says Former Principal Valson Thampu appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

The problem: India is weeks away from its general elections. Unofficial campaigning is well under way. Listening to the lead campaigners, it is clear that none of them is dealing with the real challenges facing the country. It is no secret that India’s growth is skewed and its benefits go disproportionately to a few people, as is reported by the Oxfam Wealth Report (2018) which points out that the nine richest Indians own as much wealth as the bottom 50% of the population. Commenting on this, Oxfam International Executive Director Winnie Byanyima said: “If this obscene inequality between the top 1% and the rest of India continues, then it will lead to a complete collapse of the social and democratic structure of this country.” Our politicians should be focussing on how to secure India’s place in the world as well as ensure freedom from poverty for every citizen, especially those who are at the bottom of the pyramid. India’s tryst with destiny still beckons. A big question faces us: How to move ahead? This story aims to answer that question.

Two issues need urgent attention: agrarian unrest and the job crisis. A durable solution to the agrarian crisis is non-farm jobs. When a sector with less than 15 percent of GDP contribution supports a population three times its size, we have a convergence of rural hopes and urban incapacity. One cannot lift rural incomes without absorbing at least two-thirds of those dependent on the farm into non-farm jobs. So, generating jobs is the biggest aim. However, employment generation has remained low. “India has struggled to translate the high rates of economic growth into jobs,” as per the State of Working India Report (2018). In addition to weak employment generation, low wages are another big issue. “On average, 82% of male and 92% of female workers currently earn less than Rs. 10,000 ($137) a month,” the report revealed. This suggests that a large majority of Indians are not being paid what may be termed as a ‘living wage’, and that explains the intense hunger for government jobs and job reservations.

India has to recognise that the export-oriented, low-skill, large-scale manufacturing jobs that developing economies have relied upon, which were the key to much of China’s success are on the wane around the world. Automation is reducing the amount of low-skill work that the manufacturing sector requires and is adversely affecting the job market. Thus, there are many reforms that India is required to carry out to attain competitive strength in the manufacturing industry and reducing the level of unemployment, and underemployment. At the same time, we have to create enough jobs to accommodate 12 million youths joining the workforce every year. These would require changes in labour laws and land laws, cutting corporate and general taxes to the level of East Asian countries, and improving basic infrastructure including uninterrupted cheap power supply. But most importantly, unlocking the human potential is a must and it should be India’s priority since India’s USP is its population.

With the World Bank ranking India at 115th out of 157 countries on the Human Capital Index in 2018, India cannot avoid the issue of empowering people. HCI seeks to measure the amount of human capital that a child born today can expect to attain by the age of 18. According to its parameters, a child born in India today will only be 44% as productive as they could have been if they had enjoyed quality education and full health as well as quality of living environment including water and sanitation. In other words, there are grave deficiencies in India’s human development inputs that are preventing children from reaching their full potential. As a result, the productivity, measured as per capita GDP, is very low.

India became the sixth largest economy in the world in terms of GDP in 2017 but still it has a very low per capita income, as per IMF. It is placed at the 122nd position among 187 countries. Currently, India’s working population has very low employability, mainly due to poor quality of human capital that is, abilities and skills of human resources. The country produces more than five million graduates every year. The National Employability Report reveals that a significant proportion of these graduates, nearly 47%, are unemployable, given their poor linguistic and cognitive/analytical skills.

The Annual Status of Education Report 2017 reveals that nearly one-fourth of India’s youth in Government schools, aged between 14 and 18, cannot read their own language fluently. The report also reveals that 57% of the children assessed, struggled to solve a simple sum of division- exposing loopholes in the quality of education imparted in the country. Further, 47% of all 14-year-olds in the sample could not read English sentences. Additionally, the report revealed that only 28% had used the internet. Further, 64%  had never used the internet. In other words, India’s schools have become ‘factories’ producing unskilled labour, thus promoting deprivation at a large scale.

The galloping population growth and poor hygiene and sanitation have worsened an already bad situation. One has to recognise that population is an important factor in sustainable development; however, an uncontrollable population is not. It leads to a significant diversion of resources; resources are used for consumption which could otherwise be used for increasing investment and productivity, and for improving the quality of public services such as education, health, sanitation, drinking water, and for managing environmental degradation.

India’s population has grown from 1210.6 million in 2011 to 1,342.5 million in 2018, thus growing by around 18-19 million every year. However, the current population growth in the country is mainly caused by unwanted fertility. Around five in ten live births are unintended or unplanned, or simply unwanted by the mother and these births lea to consistent growth in population. Around 26 million children were born in India in 2018, and out of this about 13 million births could be classified as unwanted. The consequences of unintended pregnancy are serious, slowing down the process of socio-economic development as well as the process of change. As such, a ‘big push’ is needed to revamp reproductive health services in unlocking human potential.

Due to all these factors, India accounts for a large amount of deprivation. The Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), developed by the Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative (OPHI) and UNDP, identifies how people are being left behind across three key dimensions: health, education and living standards. It includes 10 indicators – nutrition, child mortality, years of schooling, school attendance, sanitation, cooking fuel, drinking water, electricity, housing, and assets. The basic philosophy and significance of MIP is that it is based on the idea that poverty is not one-dimensional, rather it is multidimensional.

According to the 2016 report, India has very high multidimensional poverty. More than half of India’s population (55.3%) is living under multidimensional poverty, compared to 5.2% in China, 40.% in Bangladesh and 45.6% in Pakistan. In India, there are very wide regional variations. There are more multidimensionally deprived people in the eight states of India (Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal) than in the rest of country. As of 2018, this means that, around 700 million (70 crore) people in India can be classified as deprived. Without investing in this population of 140 million families, mainly comprising Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs, and Muslims, India cannot think of becoming an inclusive and developed economy.

How to forge ahead? India’s under-35 population holds India’s future. In this context, a concerted strategy is needed. Our policy monograph – Nurturing Human Development: A Strategy for New India – proposes a strategy and it is christened as “HDPlus” (Human Development Plus). It is a dynamic agenda based on a ‘whole child’ concept, that is school-going child and his/her family (that is HDPlus family) should be the fulcrum of human development efforts. The concept is being described by policies, practices, and relationships which ensure that each child is healthy, educated, engaged, supported, and encouraged. For this, integrating the child and his or her family more deeply into the day-to-day life of school and home activities represents an untapped instrument for raising the overall achievements including learning skills and health parameters, and hence improving overall productivity. In other words, an enabling environment at family and school levels is a way to empower people.

To start with, the proposed HDPlus strategy focuses on five interventions in a more closely integrated form. They are:
• Improving the quality of elementary education,
• Facilitating WASH factors (Water, Sanitation and Hygiene),
• Enhancing primary health,
• Reducing gender gap, and
• Stabilising the population.

In addition to this, we must recognise that shifting of excess labour from agriculture to non-farm sectors, and managing climate change including the quality of air and water are important inputs in the process of human development. The main features of HDPlus strategy, therefore, are:

• To start with, the focus of action will be on government-school-going children, aged 6 to 14 (that is I-VIII standards), and their families (HDPlus families);

• The focal point of various governments’ pro-poor schemes along with HD interventions will be HDPlus families to create enabling environment; and

• It will be implemented by government agencies with the help of grassroots workers in collaboration with civil society.

In short, the HDPlus strategy is aimed at laying the foundation for human competency, both physically and intellectually. The strategy ensures that 14-year-olds (8th graders) are well prepared to read, write, and be efficient in mathematics. It develops basic digital technology skills before moving to further education, thus initiating the process of empowering people.

In conclusion, the HDPlus strategy focuses on enhancing the richness of human life, especially those of the underprivileged, rather than simply increasing the wealth of the economy. It enables people to decide who they want to be, what they want to do, and how they want to live. Also, it helps in transforming demographic dividend into an asset by the formation of human capital. Investments in education, health, living environment and its determinants – the social sector – therefore, should be made a priority.

If India wants a bright future, then she needs to act now, on unlocking human potential. Time is of essence here. It is time to shift gears, up the momentum, and be more incisive in securing the interest of the disadvantaged people. Today, India’s immediate development slogan should be: “Sattar Crore Vanchit Bhartiyon ka Vikas” (Development of 700 million deprived Indians).

The post Without Investing In Over 700 Million Indians, We Cannot Move Ahead appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

India produces one of the largest graduates in the world every year. The figure is bigger than the population of many countries in the world. Some might feel this huge figure of educated youth must be an asset for the country, but more often than not, this is seen as a liability for our nation because this young population is adding to the already existing jobless people searching for work.

Let me explain the horrifying status of unemployment in India, through the following article published back in 2012 in The Hindu. It stated that for around 600 posts of peon, more than 25 lakh registrations were made, and of which more than 2.5 lakh were engineers, around 250 PhDs,  and others included masters in various domains. Making it difficult to interview such a large number of applicants in a specified time, the authorities were forced to cancel the applications and invite fresh set applications for the same.

This is just one instance of a situation where people seemed too desperate to get jobs, even if the job profile didn’t match their skills, or even if their skills and abilities were higher for the job. As I am a recent graduate, and that too a B. Tech, I am overwhelmed by the rising crisis of unemployment existing in my field. According to a survey, in a year, around 1.5 billion B.Tech graduates could not get employed as they were considered unproductive as per the companies’ point of view. Of the many who were hired, few got jobs related to their domain and ended up working in industries like IT, BPOs and the likes of these, making their four years of learning almost useless.

I remember when I opted for B.Tech back in 2013. I was a fairly good student throughout my school. Besides, I was also active in co-curricular activities like public-speaking, debates, singing competitions, to mention a few. I was way too excited to give my best in every field. I was basically a versatile student in the eyes of others, including my teachers, parents and not to forget, the so-called relatives. Seeing my pretty good graph in education, my parents wanted me to pursue engineering and I too thought it was the best option to take up as a career at that point.

I was a diligent student, always giving my best in everything, but I never actually bothered to think about what I actually liked to do, and thought it was better to do what my parents thought was right. Since I was inclined towards academics, getting into IITs was never my dream.

I didn’t clear the IIT entrance exam, but I did clear some good state level engineering entrance level exams and managed to get a seat in a private engineering college, that too in a branch that I came to know of, only when I was shortlisted for the counseling process of the college. Ya, well, it didn’t seem funny back then! To add to this conundrum, I also paid a heavy amount for the four years of graduation, only to be left jobless after four years. Such was the plight of many more friends of mine, but that obviously gave me so respite.

From my experience, I strongly feel that perhaps even after passing out of school, I wasn’t mature enough to choose a career. But going with the flow and doing what every second individual was aspiring to do at that time was in no way a sane decision. It’s the story of lakhs of young fellows in India who end up doing something either due to peer pressure or parental expectations, having little or no knowledge of the field they are heading towards, and the trends of their employing industry. That’s why companies might have a tough time recruiting such candidates who have little knowledge and training to be fit for a particular job profile.

Having talked about the B.Tech crisis, not talking about the MBA crisis would be complete injustice to the large number of unemployed MBA graduates in India graduating every year. A decade ago there was a sudden demand for MBA graduates in the corporate world, which led to setting up of a huge count of B schools in India. Today, there are around 3000 B schools affiliated to AICTE, which excludes the IIMs and few other premium B Schools.

But since the last five years or so, there has been a huge decline in job opportunities for these graduates. In line with this declining trend, in 2016 only 47% of total graduates were placed or got job offers. According to experts, the main reason for the same was the incompetency of these freshers to meet the expectations of the companies pointing towards the outdated curriculum of the B Schools. Thus, the status of Management schools and engineering colleges is quite alike in terms of the massive number of fresh graduates being rendered jobless for whatever reason.

Engineering and management are the most dominating fields in terms of providing employment opportunities to the youth, or at least, that was so in the last few decades. But can we blame the existing curriculum of colleges alone for the daunting figures of joblessness? Certainly, there is another side to the story too which we often neglect. There was a time when India had few premium engineering colleges like the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and few more government-affiliated institutions, known for producing quality engineers. But today we are all quite aware of the existing number of private engineering colleges in India.

India has more than 10,000 private colleges, with 1,165 colleges in Uttar Pradesh alone. Having discussed the plight of most individuals who graduate from these colleges, we must focus on the other face of the problem which often remains unnoticed. What gave rise to this huge number of colleges sprawling across every corner of the country? For more than a decade ago, when engineering became the top priority for most, it opened gates of drawing wealth for many.

By building up colleges on their so-called barren lands and attracting many innocent people to take admissions in exchange for massive fees, these affluent people have made massive fortunes and sadly the trend still continues. In fact, there have been so many scams related to engineering colleges owned by these people who also see this as a way of converting their black money to white. The focus of the owners of such institutions having a large amount of unaccounted wealth, is also bleak and disheartening.

There is one more aspect to this vicious situation. In India, of late an engineering degree is being seen as a gateway to a stable job and good future prospects. So there are very few people who opt for it out of passion. According to a survey of a private engineering college, it was found that most students opted for engineering in the hope of getting a stable job, and many of them consisted of people preparing for government exams.

For them, an engineering degree merely served as a benchmark of being a graduate. Not only this, we know of many alumni of IITs and other prestigious institutions who later turned out to be writers, actors, and other professions, switching their careers to a field totally different from what they might have intended to do a few years back. Perhaps they realised it later, that an engineering degree could not cater to fulfill their dreams and aspirations. This all points to the fact that there is little room for following one’s passion and even identifying one’s worth.

It’s important to realise that you can’t excel in something you have no interest in, and most of us end up in jobs which we can hardly relate to, and hate it deep inside our hearts. But we still continue to do it for earning a fair meal and to survive. The biggest problem is that people are too money-centric and relate success to the number of figures in the salary. It is the twenty-first century, and most of us still don’t know professions beyond engineering, medicine, chartered accountancy, law etc.

Today, the tremendous use of internet has opened immense options for us. You can become a blogger if you take a keen interest in a particular topic, in fact, and you can even start your own YouTube channel to talk about it. If you like writing on diverse issues, content writing can fetch you great jobs. There is much more to add. There are a whole lot of things like affiliate marketing, where promoting various brands can make you earn a lot of money.

Apart from that, if you love travelling, you might think of starting your own vlogs and sharing your experiences and adventures with the world. If you love to capture shots of nature and everything that amazes you in your camera, photography is the field you need to explore. If you are moved by various social issues in the country, you can be the first to raise your voice against them.

You can become a party planner if you love organising events. You can become a DJ if you love loud music and making people dance to your played tunes. If you love to motivate people and have good speaking skills, you can become a motivational speaker and be a cause for a change in many lives. The point is, not everybody is good at everything, and thus everybody should get a chance to identify his real worth, so he can do something worthwhile in the fields of his interest.

But at the same time, there is a great need to make people aware of the diverse career options available today, so that people stop following stereotypes when pursuing their careers. Actually, no sector is good or bad, but there is a certain capacity of people which can be absorbed in it. Thus, we need to be aware of the changing trends of various sectors and the related statistics so that we don’t blindly opt for a career in the hope of earning huge salaries.

*Featured image for representation only.

The post Unemployment Is Just One Facet Of The Rising MBA And B.Tech Crisis appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

In this post-modern world, where ‘truth’ remains a mere noun to be taught in moral science classes, we are constantly intoxicated by the ‘post-truth’ jingoism, so prevalent in all types of media around us. Tune yourself to the prime-time news shows and count the number of channels talking about employment rate and hard-data statistics. You will see a large-scale intoxication infused in the form of jingoism as a façade of nationalism, injections of ‘national’ values – what is patriotism and what is not? A debate which is more about issues that stir popular emotions and less about empirical evidence.

Post-modernism, which rejects grand meta-narratives, fuels the ‘post-truth’ politics (also called post-reality, post-factual politics) where political discourse and narratives are framed by emotionally appealing assertions. On the other hand, truth doesn’t care about emotions. It is what it is. The moment a news channel dubs the safe return of Flight Lft. Abhinandan from Pakistan as a ‘victory’ of Modi government, and not as a mandatory and obligatory action of a signatory of Geneva Convention, or when your social media is over-flowing with graphics showing PM washing the feet of manual scavengers, while completely overlooking the essential question of how much substantive fund been released by his government for the upliftment of those manual scavengers? – then understand that the truth is skewed and injected to the consumers of media.

#WATCH: Prime Minister Narendra Modi washes feet of sanitation workers in Prayagraj pic.twitter.com/otTUJpqynU

— ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) February 24, 2019

This is how intoxication in the form of emotive content is injected into the news’ consumers, who have no idea that they are party to a particular political ideology or an interest. Undoubtedly, then the ‘post-truth’ discourse takes a front seat and is problematic to deal with. If the politicians start believing that ‘post-truth’ politics will give them dividends, they will cease to talk about truth and facts. If the ruling party of this country is brave enough to believe that emphasising on the emotive galore of a ‘chowkidaar’ image can win them elections, and feel immunised from the real, on-ground issues of unemployment and agrarian distress, then the country is in the grab of post-truth politics.

On the other hand, reasons and facts, well, are termed as having anti-national undertones. A bubble is created, as soon as emotionally appealing assertions intoxicate you, and non-conformists are treated as aliens. One automatically ceases to see the bigger picture because a national identity is ‘constructed’ within that hard shell or a bubble. This is how ‘definitions’ of nationalism are set. Whereas a nation is an ‘idea’ and holds a subjective value, it is objectified according to some set standards flowing from emotional appeals. Consequently, the truth is seen as a sceptical attack on a national agenda. And of course, who cares about truth and reality?

People are eager to gain social capital at ‘chai-wala’ discussions and media being in the ‘business’, would obviously want to make huge capital returns. Truth, unfortunately, is not a prerequisite to any of these wants. What one needs, is content to make a mark. A ‘storyline’, a scapegoat as a ‘villain’ and a powerful macho in the lead to make people listen to you. There cannot be a more convenient villain than a man who governed you in the normative years of your nation, whose image is so fresh yet so blurry. It comes with an added advantage that any prevalent problem with no visible root cause can be excused and blamed in his name – ‘The foundations were weak, you know?’ and you don’t need any more explanations. There cannot be a more convenient macho than a chest-thumping, self-proclaimed saviour who means everything but business.

Elections in India are coming with a wholesome package of satire, stirring emotions, jingoism, mass-hysteria and of course, ground level issues as in ancillary and secondarily-prioritised form. The driving force in the popular campaigns remains the emotional connect a leader can strike with the masses. The plot is set. The time is apt. The ‘macho man’ may come in a ‘sea-plane’ or a ‘bullet train’ to stone and make one ‘high’. Beware and stick to the ground. Talk business!

The post Elections In India Are More About ‘Emotional Connect’ Than Hard Facts appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Judging a Hindi turncoat debate competition, organized on the occasion of International Women’s Day this year, I was amazed to see the new blooming talent in the Delhi University (DU) circuit. First-year students came up with arguments, that too for both the sides of the topic, which impressed me to the core. And, while I continued witnessing the delightful flair of the speakers, I engaged with my own thoughts on the topic of economic independence as a means of advancing the overall status of women in society.

‘Gender’ and ‘a process to make it feel human’ are two categories of words that have led to the creation of a colloquial phrase these days, that gets thrown around every now and then. While this phrase could be used to suggest the advancement of any person who gains self-dependence of any form, it has become a convention to use it commonly for one gender only. No points for guessing, the phrase indeed is ‘women empowerment’. What I love the most about it is, that it has been fruitful in moulding women across generations to rise from the shackles of oppression, and stand for themselves. It is in these contexts that empowerment became more than a wave of change; it became a necessity. And, it is in this form that empowerment must always exist.

I, however, find it difficult to witness cases where empowerment, instead of being merely a process and a struggle ‘between’ the genders, is a complete end in itself. The participants who, I must say, were all flawless in their articulation, gave an impetus to this thought. I gradually began pondering over the role that perception plays in this.

During my adjudication, I sipped coffee – coffee which was bought from the cafe where both female and male workers are hired. Contrary to popular practice, men at the cafes and catering destinations, do what women have been doing for ages – chulha-chowka (kitchen chores). “Women are often told to engage in chulha-chowka, ‘for what will they do other than that?” Arguments bearing this sense were the line of thought for most of the speeches. And, needless to say, speakers were furious over this practice. They saw it as a necessary step to overcome this barrier for a woman to be truly empowered.  

Just like the title ‘Bihari’, chulha chowka instils more a sense of complex for the gender that this word has come to be largely associated with – irrespective of how significant and central to your life the chulha chowka is, let alone the family member bearing the brunt of doing it for you. While I totally get the reason for this anger, I propose to challenge its basis. I couldn’t agree more with the participants when they voiced their opinions. We have always seen the kitchen department being scolded for reasons more than one. It then leads one to naturally conclude that as long as the limits of the kitchen walls exist, the rigmarole would continue.

For someone who has witnessed this, it becomes natural to want a breaking of this barrier to fly free. But, that is exactly where the catch is. Over time, some processes and metaphors – including chulhachowka, choodipehenna (wearing bangles), ladkiyon jaise rona (crying like girls), and a long spectrum of cuss words have come to inflict an indirect insult to the female members of a man’s family, than to him alone. They are so common that many women themselves are found using them to express the same intent. These ‘insults’ tend to demean the idea of a woman in one way or the other.

Given this background, I propose to ask a simple question. What really is it that we are fighting for? Empowerment of womankind, or empowerment of the idea of womankind. While we happily revel in the idea of individual women achieving greater heights in life, which is lovely and necessary, we are still miles away from the ability to perceive the very idea of a woman as a powerful being.

I have often felt disappointed on noticing how all the vocations traditionally associated with men are seen as radiating a sense of confidence and self-dependence, while only a few associated with women do so. More often than not, we wait until a woman practices a vocation, ‘conventionally’ associated with men, before calling her powerful or confident. As a result, two situations face society – one, where a woman who willingly wants to stay at home and simply cook for her family is labelled ‘weak’. In fact, if she is indeed able to exercise her choice of staying at home and is happy with it, I would call her the most empowered ever.

Second, upon achieving a ‘manly’ feat, we celebrate her feat, but we do more, we celebrate the fact that she has successfully ‘proved’ to be ‘equal to a man’. This indirectly translates to ‘men are the standard, please follow them to prove your risen standard’. So much empowerment there. Yeah.

And, it is not just women who face this adversity. Men, too, bear the brunt. Men who wish to stay at home and aren’t willing to move out are again perceived as shameful to their families. A tacit burden of being the ‘breadwinner’ is a step in gender oppression only and hence, the vicious circle continues. These are the shackles where gender roles are tagged as ‘either powerful or not’. This limits freedom of choice, thereby weakening both genders.

So, coming back to where I started, perception shapes our thoughts, which in turn shapes our behaviour. I beg to resist the demeaning of ‘chulha-chowka’ – I beg to challenge the perception. Cooking is an essential skill. How often do we tell the male Masterchef adjudicators and all the male cooks that they are empowered, for they have learnt the skill of cooking so well? If empowerment is about gaining betterment in terms of independence, even men become empowered upon learning this essential skill. But common parlance has restricted it somehow – possibly the trickle-down effect of the way we have been thinking. And that needs to change.

Thus, the key lies in objectively seeing any vocation and any activity as important. Centuries of oppressive practices have demarcated our vision. As I always underscore, reversing sexism is not the answer, eradicating it surely is. Demeaning a conventionally feminine task is no less than demeaning a woman herself. The day our perception gets rid of these divisions, and we begin respecting any profession, or activity, or habit objectively for its merits, would be the day of togetherness for us.

The day people are respected for their respective choices, regardless of their gender will be the dawn of a new era that we are gradually moving towards. That would be the day we would not ‘need’ empowerment, for we shall already be empowered. It can’t be achieved in one day, but must be achieved one day.

PS: This piece has been all about the gender binary, which is not the only right way to look at society. I truly acknowledge the role that diversity plays in our society. I firmly believe Women’s Day is incomplete without celebrating this diversity. Yet, due to time constraints, I could not elaborate more in this article but hope to do so in the future.

The post Demeaning A Conventionally Feminine Task Is No Less Than Demeaning A Woman Herself appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Kashmiris, have for decades, not been able to emerge out of the deep morass of anguish which the conflict-torn region has thrust them into. The killing of twelve-year-old Atif Mir who was taken hostage by militants as well as the custodial death of Rizwan Asad, a 29-year-old teacher, in Cargo detention center, has once again called into question the brutal tactics used by the Security Forces and militants alike.

According to an initial post-mortem report, Asad’s death may have been the result of the loss of blood caused by multiple injuries. The report further stated that “a roller may have been applied over his legs causing the veins and arteries to rupture.” His family believes that Rizwan was killed in police custody after looking at his body which betrayed gruesome torture.

Rizwan’s case is just one of the many stories of torture that live within the walls of Kashmir’s detention centers. History has been a testimony to the fact that military occupations give birth to violent insurgencies. In this context, the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 would be a befitting example. At Abu Ghraib prison, the US military brutally tortured hundreds of Iraqis, many of them completely innocent. However, torture creates a thirst for revenge which culminated into scores of Iraqi prisoners later joining the ISIS, the most notorious extremist group in the world.

David Kilcullen, one of the leading experts on counter-insurgency said: “There undeniably would be no ISIS if we had not invaded Iraq”. What policymakers and the military occupation in Kashmir fail to realize is that torture, instead of being a solution, is actually a painful and humiliating experience which the victims draw strength from, and turn into impassioned insurgents. These detention centers act as terrorist manufacturing units where inmates are tortured, become vengeful and finally radicalize. A person may not have been tortured himself but he may join an insurgent group to protest against the torture he saw.

Therefore, instead of resorting to methods that yield no favorable outcome, policymakers need to address the real aspirations which underlie the wrath of the Kashmiris. During a gunfight with the Army, the decision of militants to use Atif Mir as a human shield in spite of the desperate appeals of his mother has brought the notoriety of these extremist groups screaming to the fore. Caught between the insensitivity of the Army and brutality of militants, is an ordinary Kashmiri whose pleas for a dignified life have fallen deaf on the years of the nation.

The deliberate silence of the government and media alike, over the killings and abuse of hundreds of civilians, is in my view, sub humanization of the entire Kashmiri population. Rizwan’s torture and subsequent death, has ironically, escaped the notice of those who were fervently citing Geneva Conventions a month ago when IAF’s Wing Commander Abhinandan was in Pakistan’s captivity. What is even more ironic is how a regime which prides itself on being intolerant towards terrorism, unapologetically turns a blind eye when it comes to saffron terror.

The arrest of innocent civilians in Kashmir(many of whom are not even given a fair trial) contrasted with the recent acquittal of people like Aseemanand and more, makes me wonder whether we need to redefine terrorism as acts of violence perpetrated exclusively by Muslims. The regime has, apparently, proven itself to be highly selective in the crimes it chooses to condemn and take action against.

It distresses me to see how most of us are not bothered when the blood of a Kashmiri is spilled. However, blood leaves behind stains. The pain subsides but the memory remains. One of the gravest mistakes that the Indian Army keeps making is to pretend that the gross mistreatment and torture of Kashmiris plays no role in inciting insurgent tendencies.

Rizwan and Atif are the unfortunate victims of this vicious cycle of violence, for whose families, justice remains an elusive dream. Are the horrific tales of life in Kashmir, a reflection of our own immorality? Or perhaps some lives are so worthless that their gruesome treatment is well within the realm of humanity? Whatever the case may be, I hope that the ruling regime keeps the word ‘justice’ alive in its conscience even when the victims are people it does not seem to empathize with.

The post How Innocent Kashmiris Are Paying The Price For Our Crippled Sense Of Humanity appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

In the aftermath of New Zealand’s deadliest terror attack, the way their Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, came out in support of the victims’ families, is winning hearts all over the world. She met each and every member of the families that lost their loved ones in the attack. Ardern and many women of New Zealand wore headscarves (hijab) to show their solidarity with the Christchurch victims. New Zealand’s parliament session opened with the reading of the Holy Quran. After the attack, the government of New Zealand has decided to rethink its gun-law. Through this, New Zealand has set a strong example for the world against Islamophobia.

Islamophobia means outright anti-Muslim bigotry, due to religious intolerance or racism, and xenophobia towards Islam. The term ‘Islamophobia’ especially became very common after the 9/11 attack.

I am a Hindu by birth and I have a rugged long black beard. Many people assume I am a Muslim boy or a Kashmiri. After my graduation, I got a job in Noida. And here I realized that the stories which I have read and heard, of a particular man or family that was refused accommodation by the landlord because of their Muslim identity, were not fabricated or false. My beard helped me realise people’s sentiments against Muslims.

Three winters ago, I was roaming on the streets of Noida, Sector 12-22, looking for a rented accommodation. I saw, a ‘TO LET’ template on the wall of a beautiful house. When I rang the bell, an old uncle came out peeped from his balcony. I said, ‘Is there any room for rent?’ He came down, stared at me and said, “Beta, hum Musalmano ko kamra nhi dete hain” (Son, we don’t want Muslim tenants).

“Why? What’s wrong in being a Muslim?” I asked, “Please let me stay here, uncle”. “Son, I am not the one who has a problem, my wife does. Just give me your number. I’ll let you know if I come across something”, the old uncle vomited in a single breath. I thanked him and left the place. I was highly disappointed to see how someone could make like that.

Once, while I was travelling on the metro, I saw two young boys my age staring at me and saying, “In mullo ka to kuch karna padega.” (Something needs to be done about these Muslims) I just looked at them and smiled.

The most horrific incident that I have faced till now was back in July 2016, when a Kashmiri militant, Burhan Wani, was gunned down by the Indian security forces and thousands of people came out to be a part of his funeral in the valley. It was then that I truly realised that the hatred in the atmosphere against Muslims had reached its zenith in our country.

I was in Noida sector 57, at a stationary shop around 8 PM, where the shopkeeper was praying. I think he was about to leave for the day. He looked at me and I said, “I need a rough notebook.” I was negotiating the price of the notebook, though my intention was just to have some fun with him. The shopkeeper was also enjoying the banter and he shared anecdotes of his old helter-skelter stationery shop. And then he suddenly asked me, “Bhai tum Kashmiri ho?” (Brother, are you from Kashmir?) As always I said, “Yes”.

He asked me for my name and I said I was Rehman Bhatt. He went on to ask me where I lived and what I was doing in Noida. I told him I was from Baramullah and that I was studying in Jamia. And then he began picking on me as if he had been waiting for a very long time to take out his frustration on Kashmiris. The so-called nationalist shopkeeper told me, “Bura mat manna, but tum Kashmiri jis thali me khaatey ho, ussi me thooktey ho.” (Don’t mind, but you Kashmiris have backstabbed your own nation, time and again). I was taken aback. I asked him what happened to him suddenly.

He said, “You’re all the same, all you Muslims are the same…all of you pelt stones at our military”.

“Please don’t drag me into this, I have never done that,” I interrupted. He went to say, “You hate your own country, but you love Pakistan”.

“I am an Indian and that’s why I am here,” I retorted. I wanted to tell him that not every Kashmiri is as bad as he thinks they are, or how the media portrays them. I told him that every year more than 10 Kashmiris make it to the Indian Civil Services, and that Athar Aamir was the topper of the year (2016). They all love this country, that’s why they want to become civil servants.

Clearly, he didn’t want to understand and went on with the same nonsense. “So tell me, who were those who attended Burhan Wai’s funeral?” I said they were probably his friends or his relatives, but that didn’t mean they were all militants.

He then said, “You seem to have a lot of sympathy for your brothers”. I didn’t see the point in explaining myself any further because he clearly didn’t want to listen. I left that place with that horrible experience that always stayed with me.

I sometimes believe that the conflict in the middle east, misunderstood jihad in the name of religion, and the Shiite-Sunni rivalry are responsible for the hatred against the Muslim community, but it’s primarily world politics that should be guilty of poisoning Islam.

The post I Am A Hindu, But I Have Been A Regular Victim Of Islamophobia appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Dharam Singh is a chowkidar with whom I get along very well. Almost every evening I have a conversation with him on sundry topics. Out of curiosity, I asked him, what he thought about Modi being a chowkidar “Sir, I would love to be a chowkidar like him”, he replied. Surely why not I thought, Dharam Singh was absolutely right. Modi is anything but a chowkidar.

Like Shakespeare said “Rose by any other name, still smells the same”, call him Pradhan Mantri, Pradhan Sevak, Prime Minister or Chowkidar, he has SPG security, hobnobs with the high and mighty, a Boeing 747 at his disposal, he gets a bombproof BMW worth crores – for which he neither bothers about the fuel, maintenance or drivers salary. What a life, I wish I could afford something like that!

In contrast Dharam Singh, sits in front of the lift, wears a uniform, carries a big stick in his hand, is faulted for anything and everything that goes wrong in the vicinity of the building, braving the vagaries of the weather and has a cycle for transport. If there is a cigarette butt lying around, Dharam Singh what is this junk doing here?, Did you ask the sweeper to clean the butt? Yes sir, no sir, I don’t know sir, I will take care in future sir, sorry sir are his usual replies, but not so with Modi.

The current administration is just trying to fool the people of this country into lulling in their belief that the rulers of Hindustan are as poor as they are. I am no better than the chowkidar in your neighbourhood, I am as illiterate and as poorly thought out as he is. We are all in the same boat, but we will sail along, there is nothing to worry. This is not the narrative people of India want but instead, want to see a healthy one to one debate on issues plaguing the nation.

Can Modi and Rahul Gandhi come together on a street corner or in a television studio and be openly grilled on all subjects from domestic issues like education, women safety, monetary and fiscal policy, border incursions, defence to foreign policy? This will never happen with the present dispensation at the top. They are as clueless as they can get. They need their cronies, hangers-on and subject matter experts (aka retired bureaucrats) to coach, prompt, give them cues and practically put words in their mouth to any questions asked, such is the depth of incompetence of our ruling class.

But the real issues that plague the nation are left out of the narrative. Seventy years after independence with a growing population which is impatiently aspiring for better things in life is being stymied by a group of people who are intent on keeping the population at subsistence level. Schools that do not prepare them for the university, colleges that do not prepare them for jobs, careers where there is little or no growth. An orchestra which is horribly out of tune, making noise rather than music.

It is in this background that narratives like “I am also chowkidar”, “who robbed the nation in Rafale deal“, “cow politics” etc crops up – because the political class is out of step with the hopes and aspirations of its own people – which it does not bother to understand. Does it really matter to a college graduate whether the person next door eats beef, meat or chicken, or whether the Indian Air Force got 36 Rafale fighter jets or Mirage 2000? But what actually matters is where he would be in the next five years? Will it be profitable to pursue further studies or seek employment in the corporate/public sector? What are the choices in life?

With India having a large proportion of its population which is under-25 issues that are of critical and crucial importance are swept under the rug and instead non-issues and irrelevant topics are intensely debated, where filibustering is the name of the game.

There is no solution to the political crisis facing this country, but change is on the horizon. Established parties are increasingly being challenged by non-entities like Kanhaiya Kumar, Jignesh Mewani, Shah Faesal, Shehla Rashid and Arvind Kejriwal. It will not be long before the dominoes begin to fall and fall it will. If Lehmann Brothers has taught us anything, it is this – “There is no such thing as too big to fail”. As Jeff Bezos had wisely commented “Amazon is not too big to fail” and he went on to add “In fact, I predict Amazon will one day fail”.  Empires have come and empires have gone, countries were formed and countries have ceased to exist.  Genghis Khan and Alexander the Great are just memories. Is the political class listening?

The post Is There A Solution To The Political Crisis Facing This Country? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Disclaimer: This is an opinion piece. This will be one sided, much like the 2014 elections. The BJP hasn’t paid me to write this. I am still awaiting the payment.

We are only days away from the 2019 general elections, which is going to be the most expensive election with an estimated cost of 500 billion rupees. As a Hindu, as an Indian, and as a fan of Sambit Patra, it is my duty to tell you why I think you should vote for BJP in the upcoming elections.

As the Lok Sabha BJP candidate from Bangalore South, Tejasvi Surya, rightly pointed out – “If you are with Modi, you are with India and if you are anti-Modi, you are anti-India”. This election is a litmus test of your patriotism, your love for your country and your identity of being Indian. I believe this as strongly as I believe that the earth is flat.

The the biggest achievement of this government, led by our Supreme leader, Chowkidar Narendra Modi, is that over the course of 5 years, it has managed to identify the anti-national citizens in the country. Who knew 69% of the voters were Pakistani agents!

For years, we lived under the perception that the terrorists and the Naxals are the only ones against our nation. This perception has drastically changed over the past 5 years. We realized that the students studying in universities, the doctors rescuing their patients, and journalists doing their job are also against our nation. They are the true  anti-nationals or you can even call them urban Naxals. Have you ever come across a government so critical about its own citizens, who are critical about the government?

It is only after this government came to power that I realised I am a Hindu. I could finally see the oppression on Hindus. I could finally understand why my school teacher had hit me for not completing the home work. He was a Muslim and I, a Hindu. Similarly, many of my friends had forgotten they are Indians. Only after singing the national anthem in the theater did they finally realise that they are Indians.

Now, when I talk about Hindus and BJP in one sentence, people are quick enough to accuse them of not being secular which is not true at all. They are the most secular party in the country right now. Remember Demonetization? Whether it was a success or a failure is secondary, what is important is that it served the purpose of unity among diversity. The 100 people who died waiting in the queue were not only Muslims, there were Hindus, Christians, Jains and others too. A true example of secularism.

Apart from Demonetization, the government took another step towards eradicating corruption – electoral bonds.
The Finance Act of 2016 made changes to the Foreign Contribution Act of 2010 through which a political party, now, can accept foreign funding without disclosing the donor. You can clearly see corruption ending with this move. Complete transparency.

The safety for women is another important achievement of this government. Our beloved Chowkidar Narendra Modi had said this before the 2014 elections – “Remember Nirbhaya when you enter the polling booth to vote”.
Since 2014, there have been zero cases of rape or any kind of assault on women. Yes, we do hear constant news about rape happening, but it is absolutely false. Infact, Vice President of Gujarat BJP, Jayanti Bhanushali, was accused of rape, but you know this news is fake because it didn’t appear on Republic TV.

All these fake news are to defame the government. Either the news portal reporting this is funded by the Congress or by ISI, or those who commit crime against women are in the 69% bracket. BJP leaders and its supporters can never commit a crime. For eg: Yogi Adityanath.

Talking about Yogi Adityanath, the young leader of BJP, he recently withdrew a total of 20,000 cases against him and other BJP politicians in UP. Can you remember any leader in the history of Indian politics who had the guts to do this? He is the real life Ganesh Gaitonde. He is the face of guts. This is what this government stands for – guts and courage.

In the field of science, the BJP leaders are not behind the renowned scientists of this country.

Satyapal Singh, the minister of state for Human Resource and Development, said that the Darwin’s theory of evolution is wrong. He justified this by saying that nobody witnessed an ape turning into a human.
Chowkidar Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister, said that there is no such thing as climate change. He said “The climate hasn’t changed, we, the humans have changed”. Biplab Kumar Deb, the Chief Minister of Tripura, said that the internet existed during Mahabharata.

This clearly indicates the potential of the Indian Cabinet and how serious they are about the scientific development of the nation. Now, it’s just a matter of time we surpass Japan.

The big accusation by the opposition is the government’s failure to create jobs. The government has categorically denied this allegation. I stand with the government. When Vivek Oberoi, Arnab Goswami and Vivek Agnihotri can get jobs, anyone in the country can. If nothing, he can make pakodas.

As an avid watcher of films, all I ever wanted was unlimited dose of entertainment. This government has managed to keep us entertained for the past 5 years, and it is only fair on our part to vote them back, grab some popcorn and be entertained for the next 5 years again.

The post Here’s Why You’re ‘Anti-National’ If You Don’t Vote For BJP This Time appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

70 years since Independence, the state of women in India though having been evolved to an extent is still very much behind other countries’ women population, let alone their male counterparts. With a rank of 108 in World Economic Forum’s gender gap index and a rank of 130 in Human Development Index, having adolescent birth rate of 23 i.e. 23 out of 1000 girls between the age group of 15 to 19 deliver a baby, and only 39% of women population having secondary education, India’s growth remains not just unequal but unjust to its women population. The sorry state does not augur well for a country competing for a global spot being the 5^th largest economy and chest thumping on becoming one of the superpowers in the world.

It is crucial that India’s growth is made inclusive without leaping ahead leaving behind the women population. Emancipation of women in our country has been through various phases, from eradicating Sati to ‘permitting’ women to enter the sanctum of the temple. Observed from outside, all the measures seem to be ‘granted’ rather than ‘accessed’. It is high time women be made the authoritative power to acquire whatever they want themselves. The shift in women perspective has to move from protection to power. This shall be possible only when women in grassroots level acquire equal access and power.

More Women In Jobs

“Equal rights for someone doesn’t mean lesser rights for others”, they say. Same way, more jobs for women doesn’t mean lesser jobs for men. World Economic forum says “If women contribute as equal as men, our GDP will increase by 27%”, but the unsaid truth is women’s work is unaccounted and unpaid. Women’s unpaid labor alone equals 43 times the annual income of Apple Inc. That is the pathetic state of women in this country.

Why it is that majority of the women are termed “not-working” only because their work is not considered to be “working” at all. Whose mistake is that? While women are mostly engaged in the informal, unorganized sector, the ones in the organized sector are also hugely underpaid and overlooked.

In 1990 35% of Indian women were ‘working’ women but in 2018, the stats have come down to a shocking 27%. The trends look alarming. While our neighboring China has a whopping 56% of women in the age group of 15-24 contributing towards the economy, India’s recorded meager 16% tells us a different story. While it is argued that the majority of the women population has opted for higher studies, the reduction in the numbers cannot be ignored.

The main reason being, we have still not divorced our social stigmas associated with women. For example, one of the main reasons recorded for women quitting work after marriage is said to be to look after the baby. The onus of raising up a child is largely on women. Though we have better maternity leave offers with a paid 9 months leave, it is still not a clear cut method. A better effective approach is to unload the burden of women by mandating a compulsory paternal leave and making the men share the load.

It has a double advantage that men will be equally responsible from the beginning and employers will not refrain recruiting women over the fact that they will get a break post-marriage, as the break will become common to all the employees irrespective of gender. An extra advantage for women is that they will not be targeted for missing out, a very common problem faced by women across the globe as they miss out promotions immediately after a break. This will be considerably reduced – as the missing out becomes common and hence more understandable for everyone.

More women self-help groups need to be formed in rural areas to engage more women to become financially independent. This need to be given special importance as the primary concern has to be accounting all the work done by women in contribution towards GDP. As per reports of 2016, only 14% of business in India are run by women. In that too, a majority of the business is operated single-handed, which means small scale business shall be boosted by promoting easy and interest-free loans to woo more women to register their business and become job creators, putting them on top echelons of the society. 48% of women entrepreneurs still do not have a bank account and 75% of women-operated firms (excluding Northeast and UTs) are stagnant as per National sample survey reports.

As the elections are around the corner, national parties seem to be promising 33% reservation for women in Government jobs. This should not be stopped at this and just left as yet another election gimmick. Pooling more women in job sectors have to be the primary concern for any government as it directly yields more human resource utilization left unexplored largely. In private sectors, though reservation shall not be enforced, indirect measures shall be adopted by giving special benefits to private firms having equal employment ratio of men-women. This will encourage private firms to hire more women and thus making a balance in the job sector.

More Political Power To Women

It was the visionary leader Biju Patnaik, who introduced women reservation in politics, by reserving seats in local bodies’ election. Eventually, the 33% reservation in local bodies has become constitutionalized in the country. However, since 1996, the women reservation bill in parliament is stalled for a mind-boggling 2 decades and on. It is a question of the century, whether the bill will see the light of the day anytime soon.

India has had only 334 women MPs ever since independence, which is less than 2/3 of elected representatives in a single Lok Sabha. This explains a lot. Women participation in the current parliament is a meager 11%. We are lagging behind countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iraq, etc. on this front. India is one of the countries to have exercised franchise for women well ahead of other countries, but still, the political representation has not gained equal momentum.

The women reservation bill which was supported unanimously by all the parties while not in power, however, has never materialized into the paper. It is not surprising though as it just represents the patriarchal system we live in. While everyone claims to be in for women empowerment, no one (read men in deciding authority) wants it anyway. The bill saw male MPs tearing papers, raising slogans and rushing to the well of the house every time it was brought.

While the UPA-II managed to pass it in Rajya Sabha, it could not be cleared in the lower house owing to lesser support. However, the same opposition NDA included it in its 2014 election manifesto and came to power. Even though the Congress assured its full support, the NDA did not pass it and the Parliament sessions were concluded and all the parties had the nerve to include it again in their manifesto. Who are they fooling anyway? Now with BJP and TMC having reserved tickets for women, all the national parties making tall claims on women reservation have once again shunned away from doing something they could actually do themselves.

Anyhow the parliament favored another unexpected reservation just at the last moment to ensure the votes of economically poor unreserved. While no research has been done to substantiate the reason for 10%, the bill was passed with much fanfare without any hindrances. Apparently, a simple proof of having 50% share in population which is mostly underrepresented and exploited is still not a reason good enough for reserving 1/3rd women in politics.

Studies have found that women legislatures have outperformed male legislatures in India. UNU-WIDER (United Nations University-World Institute of Development and Economic Research) based its study in India for 4 election cycles i.e. a period of 20 years on the performance of Indian legislators. Some findings are as follows:

•  When the average growth of India was 7% during the sample period, the constituencies of female legislators recorded 25% growth.
• A difference of about 1.8% pts in GDP growth than their male counterparts.
• More effective in clearing road projects to boost infrastructure and made water available to their constituency than male represented constituencies.

More Social Security To Women

Last but not least, all the discrimination against women boils down to one thing – women are more vulnerable to social injustice. While the laws are always there in the paper, it has never been easy for women to accessorize it, rather it was the perpetrators who have always managed to escape. Thanks to our age-old tradition of slut-shaming women and whatever-it-is-he-is-a-man syndrome.

Every day India records 106 rape cases and every 4 out of 10 victims are minors. And in 95% cases, the perpetrators are blood-related. While it is well known that most of the rape cases are unrecorded in this country, the recorded cases have actually increased after the Nirbhaya case. However, only 1 in 4 rape cases is convicted. The country needs stringent laws for violence against women.

Compassion for women comes only when they are raped. Otherwise, they are just insignificant and never heard. The most important reason for violence against women is the normalization of degrading women and having a reckless attitude when it comes to dealing with women. There have been various instances on women coming under the attack of derogatory remarks. Even women in powerful places like politics have never ceased to escape this ill fate.  The Parliament and state assemblies have seen multiples cases of women coming under the flak of sexist remarks and actions by their male colleagues. The maximum action taken on such issues is removing those words from the records. This is the highest form of the travesty of justice. Only bringing them to books and making their actions accountable will reduce this menace. We need special laws and corrective measures on such accounts.

While Indian judiciary has become revolutionary lately by decriminalizing section 377 – embracing homosexuality and decriminalizing illicit relationship out of wedlock, the one that is still inhumanly violating the basic human rights of women is not even an offense – the reason being criminalizing marital rape will destroy the institution of marriage in this country. Since when did institution of marriage become a validation to rape women? It is time we do away with such injustices being shoved down in the name of one-sided culture and morals.

India cannot grow only with a 50% population. Equal space is what is an indication of a developed civil society. India can no longer hide behind the tokenisms of first woman this and that as full-fledged emancipation of women. India cannot achieve an international feat with the current gender gap. Let us not keep ignoring the elephant in the room.

The post I Want The Upcoming Govt To Ensure India’s Growth Is Inclusive Of Its Women appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

What is the first thing that comes to your mind when you see a person from the Northeast? Reservation, fashion, ‘foreigner’, ‘chinki’, momos and bamboo shoot? I am sure there are many more stereotyped images where those came from.

I come from the beautiful state of Arunachal Pradesh in North East India. We grew up listening to tacky Bollywood songs, cutting out pictures of Shahrukh Khan from magazines to paste on the walls, watching “Shaktimaan” every Sunday and gathering around the TV whenever “DDLJ” aired.

I still remember, vividly, my first year in Delhi. It was full of cultural and emotional surprises. The mention of my state did not really ring any bells for anyone. I spent my first few weeks helping people understand it is a geographical location within India. After many failed attempts, I succumbed to calling myself a “Northeastern” as everybody else in my position was doing. This was a big change in perception for me because people from the Northeast never originally identify themselves with that term. Growing up without internet, our connections to the rest of the country were mainly through television, old magazines, and newspapers that sometimes come weeks late, none of which had much to say about the Northeast states. We knew more about Delhi and Mumbai (or at least in the way the media presented them), than Mizoram or Manipur. However, once in Delhi, I was suddenly expected to know all about the other states of the North East – food, clothes, and languages. If I did not, I was often judged as ‘not informed enough’ about ‘my people’.

Well, speaking of my people, my state alone has around 26 major tribes in total, with each speaking different dialects, most of which are unintelligible to each other. On top of that, there is no guarantee that sharing the same tribe means sharing the same dialect. Just a few months ago, when I was at home for a few days, I remember my mom and me sharing a good laugh as we struggled to understand the dialect of a person who shares the same tribe as us, but belongs to a different village.

Every tribe has their version of food, depending upon the herbs and vegetation they grow in their regions. We have different local festivals according to our tribes. For me, the idea behind the phrase ‘my people’ was seriously disturbing and quite paradoxical, even.

So, there I was, identifying myself with a community I barely knew back then. I went from being a simple “Arunachali” to a very connotative “Northeastern”. I probably did not realize then the cultural influences it put me under. After all, what was just a geographical region for me, in the good old days, had just become an idea to adhere to.

Most of us don’t realize that there is a certain satisfaction in locating the recognition on people’s faces when they hear where you are from. It really is a luxury. We then go on enthusiastically to discuss more about our food, traditions, and so on. In doing this we assert ourselves, in a way, in the eyes of others. However, I realized that in my case there were too many expectations to conquer in order to have that luxury. So, the question “Where are you from?” became something that I would rather avoid, because how could I answer a question which already assumed to know its answer?

Women, in general, have enough stereotypes to deal with. Imagine another layer of ethnic stereotypes buttered on top of that. It becomes a distasteful mix. And I have had my share of that. Over the past few years I have not only been sexualized as a woman, but as a woman from the Northeast. Apparently, there are nuances to being sexualized depending on your physical features. When I went looking for flats in Delhi, I remember being gawked at by the land-lords, and the land-ladies resenting us for their other half’s behavior. I was faced with questions like “Are you going to bring men?” and “Do you have any African friend”. In the beginning, I did not understand what these questions have to do with the house, as long as we are fulfilling the legal requirements of a rent agreement. Those were my innocent and untainted days, I guess. It did not take me long to realize what was going on. I started to be self-conscious about the way I dressed, the way I walked, or whose company I was in.

Moreover, every so often I would find myself being judged for being in the same vicinity as other people from the Northeast. It was the kind of judgment which confirmed the stereotypes about us always preferring each other’s company.

Places like Safdarjung, in Delhi, have even gained the title of “Northeast ghetto” due to a majority of its population being from one of those states (which is wrong in many ways, but that’s an issue to be discussed another time). In order to avoid the stereotype of ghetto mentality, I started to dislike being in those vicinities. Wanting to disassociate from things or individuals that can remind you of how you are stereotyped is a way to cope with discrimination. However, I soon realized the hypocrisy of it. I was ashamed of myself because I was developing a kind of covert racism. I was not just a victim of discrimination now, I had become its accomplice, somewhere along the line.

Stereotypes, in general, have a way of gnawing even at the best of us. From my personal experiences, the biggest problem here is not the stereotype itself, but communication, or the lack thereof. It creates mental barriers, which makes both the parties seem unapproachable to each other. I was reluctant to speak about my personal conflicts because of this, something which I believe many students from Northeast have experienced as well. It is important that we bring awareness into how discrimination and stereotyping affect us on a more personal level, in order to break those barriers.

So, now coming to the question I began with—what is the first thing that comes to your mind when you see a person from the North East? I hope this article has helped broaden the horizon to answer that.

Featured image courtesy of the author.

The post What’s The First Thing You Think Of When You See A Person From The North East? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.