There is a road commemorating Muhammad Ali Jauhar which runs right through the campus of Jamia Millia Islamia, bisecting it into two nearly equal halves. MMAJ Marg, as it is officially known, connects Jamia Nagar with the posh New Friends Colony, and further with the other areas of Delhi via the Outer Ring Road. The students of Jamia Millia can be seen crossing this road day in and day out to access one part or the other of the university campus.

Last week, as I was walking on this road, I saw a few bikes littered near one of the gates of the campus, with six or seven men on and around them. Just a few moments later, almost the same number of men arrived on the scene and the two groups entered a heated argument that was going to escalate to a fist fight soon, or so it seemed. At around the same time, four to five security guards stationed on the various gates of the university campus reached the spot. What was interesting to me was that the security guards stood at a short distance and began inquiring from a passerby if the men in question were university students. Luckily, just moments later, the argument ended as an argument and both the parties vanished from the scene.

Having spent six years on two different university campuses, this was not the first time I had seen security staff of a university reluctant to involve themselves in a ‘scene’ outside the campus gates. It is a matter of jurisdiction, I have always told myself. The security staff accounts for what happens on or inside the gates, and not outside them. It is like sovereignty. They can’t get involved in issues of other nations.

The other side of this equation is also true, perhaps. Exactly two years ago, Jamia students alleged that Delhi Police entered and raided their hostels. Later it turned out that a few armed people in civic clothes had entered the hostels and asked students random questions. The facts, as often happen, never came to light. What was announced loud and clear, however, was that students relentlessly protested for days against what they termed as the “objectionable” presence of the state police inside the campus.

If one would go further into the past, just a few months before this incident, Delhi Police had a really hard time arresting Umar Khalid and Anirban Bhattacharya inside the Jawaharlal Nehru University campus after the students in question said: “we are on the campus and if the police wants, they can come and arrest us.” As it turned out, Delhi Police was apprehensive of sending a team inside for the fear of retaliation and escalation from the students present near the admin block. More than that, it was also reported that the JNU Vice-Chancellor had not “permitted” them to enter the campus after the police presence on campus a few days before had been condemned by academics and activists worldwide. Who would take Umar and Anirban from inside the University campus to the police vehicles stationed just outside the campus and how that would be done became a contentious issue.

Legally, as per Section 41 of the Criminal Procedure Code, a police officer can enter any college and university to arrest a person. At the same time, it is compelling upon the university administration to help the state authorities in this procedure. What was then going on these cases?

This takes one back to the notion of a university, especially a campus university, as upholding the dominant state ideology through its curriculum on the one hand, and the notion of a university as an autonomous and even anarchic “free space” on the other hand, where ideology itself is questioned, examined, and refashioned. Any intrusion of the apparent coercive and ideological state apparatus on the campus is, as such, necessarily seen with suspicion. The changes in syllabi, curricula, courses, faculties, administrations of universities in the past few years can be seen as an example of a certain kind of state making inroads into the University using ideological state apparatus. Coercive state apparatus, as is often the case, is much too visible. One only needs to spot a man in uniform or even an armed man in civies.

This is the reason why even when it is perfectly “legal” for state authorities like police to enter a university campus, they hardly ever do so. It is more of an anticipation of retaliation from the students that stops them at the university gates. In March 1971, for example, when the Pakistani Army entered Dacca University and unleashed a massacre there, it sent shockwaves across what was then East Pakistan and throughout the world. It goes almost unchallenged that this was the most decisive moment for the Bangladesh Liberation War. In 2017, along somewhat similar lines though incomparable in terms of magnitude, J&K Police entered a college of Kashmir University in Pulwama which triggered off a wave of protests by students in uniforms who fought pitched stone battles with police everywhere in the valley for months to come. What started off simply as a protest against police “high handedness” soon threatened the very idea of a state in Kashmir.

To put it rather plainly, it is students of a university campus who constitute and protect the autonomy of that space, in its very nascent form. On the other hand, it is precisely for these reasons that the state is trying its best to make inroads into this space. The University Grants Commission’s Safety Guidelines for university campuses issued in 2016 were a prime example of the same. For at one end, a university is seen as an important force in the nation-building process, and on the other end, it is seen as something quite capable of shaking the same state or those in power, and it is precisely this tension that stops the state policemen from entering a university campus.

(This article is the first of a series titled ‘What Is A University Campus?’ by the author. Please follow this space for more.)

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Image source: Burhaan Kinu/Hindustan Times via Getty

The post What Stops The State Police From Entering A University Campus? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

“My husband died of cancer this month. We did our best to treat him. But, we could only manage a loan of Rs 80,000 from the local moneylender. It wasn’t enough to keep him alive,” shares 32-year-old Geeta Devi of Bhitaura district of Fatehpur, Uttar Pradesh.

“We never had an easy life, but now with my husband gone it’s a very difficult time for the family. The responsibility to raise our children and repay the loan is on me,” she said, in a heavy voice trying hard not to breakdown.

Geeta Devi and her husband, Arjun Nishaad, were brick-kilns workers in Fatehpur district of India’s most-populated state. With the seasonal employment at brick-kilns not enough to run the family, Arjun used to make additional earnings as a helmsman ferrying passengers and an agricultural labor. Two years ago, Arjun fell severely ill. His condition started deteriorating rapidly. His family took him to the local ‘doctor’ – a quack – the only treatment they had access to.

All hell broke loose when Arjun was taken to a qualified doctor in Fathepur city where he was diagnosed with cancer. Unable to meet the extremely high healthcare expenses, Arjun, 35, passed away leaving behind his wife Gita with five children (four daughters and a son).

GeetaDevi and her family represent 63 million Indians, who are pushed into poverty  by catastrophic healthcare expenses every year. According to recent studies by The Lancet, a British Medical Journal, Indians were the sixth biggest out-of-pocket health spenders in the low-middle income group of 50 nations in 2014.

Medical experts, researchers, and the patients, that Youth Ki Awaaz talked to, have attributed this on:

a.)    The state of district level Primary Healthcare Centers(PHCs),

b.)    Underfunding and underutilisation of funds in healthcare, and

c.)    Unhealthy market practices by pharmaceutical giants to push the price of    

    medicines.

Dr Divyesh Mundra, a Masters of Hospital Administration graduate from the Tata Institute of Social Science and a medical practitioner said, “Many Indians still don’t have access to life-saving drugs. High OOP health expenses due to poor primary healthcare and expensive private healthcare is pushing millions into poverty.”

The 70-70 Paradox

“My brother’s two-year-old daughter has tumor in her liver. We got private treatment in Bihar because government hospitals are in a very bad shape and we didn’t want to take any unwanted risks. But, private treatment put us in a lot of debt and her condition kept deteriorating,”said 25-year-old Munna Kumar Yadav, a casual labourer, from the Aurangabad district in Bihar.

“Finally, last month, we took some more loan from the local moneylender and came to AIIMS,” he added. Munna and her sister-in-law sleep on footpaths outside AIIMS. Hundreds of patients’ relatives, like Munna, are in a similar plight as hospital waiting rooms are running overcapacity.

Munna further informed that his brother had to return to his village to arrange more money as they exhausted Rs 10,000 on buying medicines in past 3-4 weeks.

An analysis by PRS Legislative Research, of the government’s data on healthcare expenses, reveals that 70% of the total health expenditure is borne by consumers. Researchers and medical experts refer to it as India’s 70-70 healthcare paradox. A similar study reveals, that out of the 70% expense incurred by consumers, 95% is out-of-pocket expenses, which include medical tests, cost of medicines etc., while only 5% is covered by public or private insurance schemes. With over 80% of the country not covered under any public or private insurance schemes, people in the country are facing the brunt of catastrophic healthcare expenses.

According to Shailaja Chandra, former Secretary to the Ministry of Health &Family Welfare and senior fellow at the Shiv Nadar University, “While in theory anyone can go to a Government dispensary or primary health centre, the opportunity cost of transportation, waiting time to see a doctor, possible non-availability of diagnostic facilities and drugs deter most people. Depending on affordability people go to known private practitioners who take consultation fee. Diagnostics, pathology tests too have to be carried out and drugs purchased as indicated by the practitioners. Altogether the costs are high.”

Lack Of Comprehensive Health Scheme

Several researches, including National Health Surveys, indicate that private and public healthcare schemes, like Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) and Janashree Bima Yojana (JBY), have been ineffective in reducing the out-of-pocket expenditure and providing affordable healthcare.  Lack of support for outpatient care, poor implementation, healthcare shifting from primary to secondary or higher levels due to the influence of private sectors, and the inaccessibility of empanelled hospitals for rural residents have been blamed for the failure of such schemes.

Earlier this year, the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4) acknowledged, that health insurance coverage in India is unsatisfactory. The report disclosed that only 20% of women in India, in the age groups 15-49 and 23% of men age 15-49 are covered by health insurance or a health scheme.

“We have partial insurance schemes that don’t reduce out-of-pocket healthcare expenses. the coverage details of the schemes are in itself a problem. Suppose the scheme covers 1000 procedures and if your condition doesn’t fall into that, you’ll be left high and dry. Many times diseases are detected much later after going through several costly medical procedures, which aren’t covered by insurance,” argued S. Srinivasan, who runs Low Cost Standard Therapeutics and is associated with All India Drug Action Network(AIDAN).

Costly Affair Of Private Healthcare Services

According to World Health Organization, about 68% of the Indian population has limited or no access to essential medicines. Another study by the Public Health Foundation of India (PHFI), the availability of free medicines in public health facilities declined from 31.2% to 8.9% for inpatient care and from 17.8% to 5.9% for outpatient care.

The highest expenditure in out-of-pocket expenses relates to cost of medicines, 52%, which is not covered under any private or public health insurance schemes. With the unavailability of free or low-cost drugs, the unregulated and irrationally overpriced drugs are thriving in the market. This the biggest contributor to the catastrophic healthcare expenditure.

“My 15-month-old son has a hole in his heart. Seeking private health services put us into debt and didn’t yield results.  We then took loan of Rs 1 lakh from local moneylender and came to AIIMS, Delhi. We’ve been here for a month and already spent Rs 10,000 on medicines. Around 6-7 medicines prescribed by the doctors here aren’t available inside the hospital and outside they are very costly,”  said 35-year-old Aarti Devi from Gorakhpur, U.P. Arti Devi and her husband Rakesh are casual labourers and are not covered under any public or private insurance.

Aarti Devis’ situation reflects on how high cost of medicines and private healthcare services are forcing many poor families into vicious cycle of debt.

As per India’s market-based mechanism, average price of three popular brands decides the ceiling price of a particular drug. This pushes the pharmaceutical companies to resort to unfair means to influence the drug pricing through unfair means like nexus with doctors to promote a particular brand over the other and encourage irrational drug prescription to expand their market, say experts.   

According to reports, pharmaceutical companies pump in around Rs 4,200 crore, into marketing and promotional activities.

“Post liberalisation when markets opened to private sectors, the mechanism to determine drug prices shifted from cost-based mechanism (where actual cost incurred in making the drug used to decided the ceiling price of drugs) to market-based mechanism. This is the major reason behind steep drug prices. Moreover, due to the influence of pharma giants drug prices aren’t covered in insurance,” said Dr Jayaprakash, additional professor and child psychiatrist unit chief in Trivandrum Medical College.

Achieving Universal Health Coverage

Earlier this year, PM Narendra Modi launched the ambitious Ayushman Bharat National Health Protection Mission (NHPM) insurance scheme aimed at covering 50 crore Indians. It will help in achieving government’s ‘health for all’ target. However, experts and researchers have asserted that the current trends in the Indian healthcare system indicate that the country has a long road in terms of achieving Universal Health Coverage (UHC).

“The increased public sector investments are essential to ensure affordable healthcare. Also, issues like commercialised and unregulated healthcare delivery systems and imbalance in resource allocation also needs to be addressed,” said Dr Mundra.

Commenting on the regulatory aspect, Dr Chandra noted, “The real need is for regulation, enforcement, oversight of responsibilities and zero tolerance for inefficient, cost- ineffective, and irrational medical treatment. That should apply to all practitioners and medical facilities for which guidelines have to be issued every year.”

Achieving affordable health coverage in world’s second most populous country could be an arduous task and would require coordination from different government agencies. The right step towards universal health coverage would be to increase the government spending on healthcare from 2% to 5-6% of GDP, strengthen PHCs, increase availability of the free medicines, regulate drug prices, and increase doctor-patient ratio which is 10:10,000 currently.

The post Focussed Efforts From Govt And Civil Society Will Reduce India’s High Healthcare Expenses appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

मुज़फ्फरपुर में मोतीझील जैसा बड़ा बाज़ार है, देवघर के समान प्रसिद्ध बाबा गरीबनाथ हैं और हर सोमवार उन पर जल ढारते लाखों लोग भी हैं। नहीं है तो एक चीज़- बालिका आश्रय में लड़कियों के हुए शोषण के प्रति क्रोध।

फरवरी-मार्च 2018 से उठे ब्रजेश ठाकुर द्वारा संचालित बालिका आश्रय में हुए शोषण के प्रति लोगों में उत्सुकता तो है जानने की, कि क्या हुआ, लेकिन वो क्रोध नहीं है जो इस मामले से जुड़े अपराधियों को उनकी लिजलिजी अस्मिता का बोध कराता। ना ही वो ग्लानि है कि इसी शहर में रहकर लोगों को पहले ही इस मामले के बारे में पता क्यों नहीं चला, ना ही है पछतावा उन पड़ोसियों को ये घटना नहीं रिपोर्ट कराने का, जिनको शायद बच्चियों के रोने चीखने की आवाजें सुनाई पड़ी थीं। मुज़फ्फरपुर की जनता निस्पृह भाव से अपने काम में लगी है। उनसे बातें करके ऐसा लगता है जैसे किसी दुस्वप्न के बारे में बात कर रहे हों, जो आया और चला गया।

पर ऐसा भी नहीं है कि यह शहर निर्विकार भाव से अपना काम करता है। यहां के होटलों में अगर पति-पत्नी का सरनेम एक नहीं हुआ तो शादी की तस्वीर मांगी जाती है प्रमाण के लिए। स्टाफ इस चीज़ को लेकर बहुत सचेत रहता है। यहां के मार्केट में अगर आपने कई सवाल पूछ लिए तो वो जानने की कोशिश करते हैं कि आप कहां से आये हैं, क्या करते हैं, पत्रकार हैं तो गाड़ी क्यों नहीं है?

मुज़फ्फरपुर रेलवे स्टेशन के पास ब्रजेश ठाकुर को कोई नहीं जानता। हां, इस मामले को ज़रूर जानते हैं, पान-बीड़ी बेचनेवाले से लेकर रिक्शेवालों ने भी थोड़ा बहुत सुना है। कॉलेज जानेवाले लड़कों ने भी सुना है, पर अखबारों से ही। ब्रजेश ठाकुर इनके लिए वो नाम नहीं है, जिसे ये रोज़ सुनते हों या जिससे ये खौफ खाते हों।

रेलवे स्टेशन से दो किलोमीटर दूर साहू रोड पर वार्ड नं 22 में है ब्रजेश ठाकुर का बड़ा सा घर। साहू रोड से ज़्यादा इस रोड को दीपक सिनेमा वाले रोड के नाम से जाना जाता है। साहू रोड सीधा निकल जाता है, बाबा गरीबनाथ के मंदिर की तरफ। सावन चल रहा है, तो पूरी सड़क पर कांवड़ियों के आने जाने के लिए शानदार बैरिकेडिंग की हुई। उनकी सेवा में प्रशासन लगा हुआ है, बड़े-बड़े अक्षरों में ये सेवा भाव बड़े-बड़े होर्डिंग्स पर भी दर्शाया गया है।

वार्ड नं 22 की ही महापौर हैं वर्षा सिंह। उन्हीं के वार्ड में आश्रय गृह वाली घटना हुई, रोड से सटी हुई पतली सी गली के मुख पर प्रातःकमल अखबार का बोर्ड टंगा हुआ है। ये गली सीधा ब्रजेश ठाकुर के घर पर खत्म होती है, वहां वो बांयी तरफ मुड़ती एक और पतली गली में तब्दील हो जाती है। ब्रजेश के घर में ताले लगे हुए हैं, पर बड़े से गेट के पीछे नज़र आता है खाट पर बैठा एक पुलिसवाला। वो कहता है कि अंदर आने की किसी को अनुमति नहीं है। सीबीआई भी आई थी तो किसी को अंदर नहीं जाने दिया गया था। गत शनिवार सीबीआई ने वहीं पर ब्रजेश के बेटे से पूछताछ की थी। वो बेटा ही प्रातःकमल अखबार का संपादक है।

पतली गली में चलते हुए ब्रजेश ठाकुर के घर के ठीक पीछे एक दरवाज़े पर निगाह अटक जाती है। नीले और लाल रंग में एक नेमप्लेट लगा हुआ है, सब-इंसपेक्टर हैं कोई। मन में आया कि क्या इन इंसपेक्टर साहब को भी कभी ऐसा कुछ पता नहीं चला?

वहीं गली के मोड़ पर तीन लड़के बैठे हुए थे। इस मामले के बारे में पूछने पर बताया कि वो सारे बाहर पढ़ते हैं, इसलिए ज़्यादा कुछ पता नहीं. थोड़ा ज़्यादा पूछने पर, उनके विचार ही पूछने पर, वो चुपचाप फोन में किसी को कॉल लगा व्यस्त होने का बहाना कर निकल लिए। पड़ोसियों ने तो विगत चार-पांच महीनों में इतना कुछ इतनी बार कह दिया है कि अब कुछ बताना उनको खुद की गलती लगती है। पर उनमें भी किसी बात का पछतावा नहीं है। चेहरे पर इस मामले को पहले से जानने का भाव है और फिर बार-बार बताने की उकताहट।

गली खत्म कर दायीं ओर मुड़ने पर पीछे मार्केट की तरफ निकल जाते हैं। वहां के दुकानदार भी मामले के बारे में कुछ विशेष जानने से अनभिज्ञता ही प्रकट करते हैं। आस-पास काम कर रहे मज़दूरों ने तार्किक रूप से यही बात कही कि हम नौ बजे आते हैं, शाम के छह बजे अपने घर निकल जाते हैं। तो इन चीज़ों के बारे में बता नहीं सकते। जो भी पता चला अखबार या टीवी से सुन के ही पता चला। पूछने पर कि क्या आपको शॉक लगा, बड़े आराम से कहते हैं कि हां लगा, हमारा ही तो शहर है, लगेगा ही।

हालांकि उनके मोबाइल पर जल ढारने की एक वीडियो के बारे में पूछने पर बड़े ही उत्साहित होकर बताते हैं कि बाबा गरीबनाथ अब देवघर के बाद दूसरे नंबर पर हैं। यहां अबकी सावन में चार लाख लोगों ने जल ढारा है। पुलिस के भी हाथ-पांव फूल गये थे इसे संभालने में। फिर वो आपस में बहस करने लगते हैं कि पटना तक से लोग आते हैं यहां। बाबा गरीबनाथ अब ज़्यादा प्रसिद्ध हो जायेंगे, उनका मानना है। फिर वो हमें बाबा के मंदिर तक का रास्ता भी कई बार बताते हैं। इतना पक्का बताया कि बिना भटके हम सीधा वहां पहुंच गये।

बाबा गरीबनाथ को लेकर शहर के लोगों में काफी उत्साह है। ऐसा लगता है कि इनके माध्यम से शहर देश में सुर्खियों में बन सकता है। कम से कम सावन के महीने में तो ज़रूर। ऐसा टेलीकॉम की कंपनियों और अखबारों के होर्डिंग देख के भी लगता है। इन सबने मिलकर मुज़फ्फरपुर को बाबा की नगरी बना दिया है। इस मामले में एक बाबा जिन्नात ग्रुप भी पीछे नहीं रहा। जिन्नात का गरीबनाथ के प्रति इतना सौहार्द देखकर आश्चर्य हुआ।

यहां के लोग भी ब्रजेश ठाकुर को उतना ही जानते हैं, जितना कि बाकी जगहों के लोग। कहने का मतलब कि ब्रजेश ठाकुर के आश्रय गृह में होनेवाली बातों की जानकारी सबको थी, ऐसा लोग अपने चेहरे के भाव से बताते हैं। साथ ही ये भी कहना नहीं भूलते कि ऐसे बहुतेरे लोग हैं राज्य में, जिनका कुछ बिगाड़ा नहीं जा सकता। साथ ही कुछ लोग हंसते भी हैं कि ऐसे लोग बहुत ज्यादा उड़ते हैं और गिरते भी हैं।

फिर हम रिक्शा लेकर यहां से चतुर्भुज स्थान चले गये। मुगल काल से यह जगह नृत्य और गायन के लिए मशहूर रही है। कालांतर में इस जगह पर वेश्यावृत्ति करने का दाग लगा और फिर ये छूटा नहीं। कहा जाता है कि शरतचंद्र को ‘देवदास’ की चंद्रमुखी का चरित्र इसी जगह से मिला था। यहां पर कुछ लड़कियां अपने घरों के बाहर बैठी मिलती हैं। बात करने पर भागने लगती हैं, कहती हैं कि फोटो मत खींचो। भरोसा दिलाने पर बैठ जाती हैं। बताती हैं कि मुजरे के पांच सौ लगते हैं, फिर हर गाने का दो सौ।

जब लोग इकट्ठा हो जाते हैं शाम को तो प्रोग्राम होता है। आश्रय गृह की बातों पर कुछ सोचते हुए कहती हैं कि हां, सुना तो था, पर ज़्यादा कुछ कह नहीं पातीं। उनके भाव से लगता है कि इसमें नया क्या है। फिर हम उनके घर में लगे सलमान खान की फोटो खींच लेते हैं। वो हंसने लगती हैं कि सलमान ही लोगों को ज़्यादा पसंद है, इसलिए उसकी फोटो लगाई है। वरना खुद के लिए तो साईं बाबा की लगाई है। आगे चलकर मुहल्ले में एक घर मिला है, जहां बाकायदा बताया गया है कि ये ‘फैमिली घर’ है।

फिर हम एक हिंदी दैनिक के वरिष्ठ पत्रकार से मिलते हैं. वो कहते हैं कि ऐसा नहीं है कि लोगों में गुस्सा नहीं था, मार्च निकाले गये थे, प्रदर्शन हुआ था पर इस बात से उन्होंने भी इंकार नहीं किया कि जनता सड़कों पर आ जाये, ऐसा गुस्सा नहीं था लोगों में।

वहां घूमते हुए ऐसा लगा कि आश्रय गृह की इन 34 लड़कियों से लोगों को सहानुभूति तो थी, पर किसी को ऐसा नहीं लग पा रहा था कि उनकी अपनी बच्ची भी इन लड़कियों में से हो सकती है। क्योंकि ऐसा होने का कोई चांस ही नहीं है। कठुआ में हुआ बलात्कार कांड हो या निर्भया कांड हो, सबमें लोगों को अपनी बेटियां नज़र आईं। लगा कि कल को हमारी बेटी के साथ भी ऐसा हो सकता है पर मुज़फ्फरपुर की इन बेटियों की जगह पर अपनी संतान को रख के सोच पाना असंभव लगता है लोगों को।

साहू रोड पर प्रातःकमल अखबार के होर्डिंग के ठीक सामने निःसंतान दंपतियों के लिए बच्चों की ज़रूरत से संबंधित होर्डिंग लगी है। पर कहीं पर ये देखने को नहीं मिला कि इन 34 बच्चियों में से भी किसी को गोद लिया जा सकता है। ऐसी बातों पर लोगों के चेहरे सपाट हो जाते हैं। लगता है जैसे लोगों ने कुफ्र सुन लिया हो। ये पूछने पर कि आपकी बेटी ऐसी स्थिति में फंस जाये तो उनके चेहरे के भाव कहते हैं कि अभी तो हमारे घर में लोग ज़िंदा हैं ही, तो ऐसी स्थिति में कैसे आ जाएंगी बेटियां। ये पूछने पर कि क्या उन लड़कियों की भी गलती थी, कुछ लोग इंकार नहीं करते। कहते हैं कि ताली एक हाथ से नहीं बजती। लगा कि मामले की बजाय मुहावरा इस्तेमाल करने में उनका ज़्यादा ज़ोर है।

साहू रोड की तरफ मुड़ने से पहले बने फ्लाईओवर के नीचे कपड़ा बेचते एक पुरुष ने ज़ोरदार आवाज़ में कहना शुरू किया- गरीबों की बेटी है तो ये सब हो गया, अगर अमीरों की बेटी होती तो कब का मामला सामने आ गया होता। उसके आस-पास के लोग इतनी मुखरता से नहीं बोल पा रहे थे। उस आदमी ने बताया कि वो रोज अखबार पढ़ता है। उसके पास अखबार था भी पर वो ब्रजेश ठाकुर के घर की लोकेशन से अनभिज्ञ था। अलबत्ता, दीपक सिनेमा वाला रोड उसी ने बताया।

ज़्यादातर लोग ऐसे मिले जो मुज़फ्फरपुर की अस्मिता को लेकर सचेत थे। अपने शहर की इमेज बचाना चाह रहे थे। अभी मुज़फ्फरपुर ने किसी सूचकांक में पटना को पछाड़ा है बिहार के सबसे अच्छे शहरों की लिस्ट में।

नोट: सभी तस्वीरें, ज्योति यादव द्वारा ली गई है जो उन्होंने रिपोर्ट बनाने के दौरान क्लिक की हैं।

The post मुज़फ्फरपुर में बाकी सब है, नहीं है तो बस बालिका आश्रय में हुए शोषण के प्रति क्रोध appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

By Jitendra Rath and Sameet Panda

It was in 1993 that institutions of self-government, known as Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs), were first institutionalised in India. 2018 marks 25 years since they came into existence through the 73^rdConstitutional Amendment.

The thought process behind the Panchayati Raj system was to make democracy functional at the local level and driven by citizens’ needs and participation. It was therefore introduced as a three-tier system that decentralised governance, decision making, and local development.

However today, the question remains: to what extent did the PRIs achieve the above-stated goals? Before we get to that, however, let’s look at the way PRIs took shape.

How did PRIs come into being?

While the panchayat is an old concept in India—through its presence as caste-based panchayats in villages—the structure, processes, and functions of the PRI system today are totally different.

Mahatma Gandhi was among the first and most important leaders to advocate for Panchayati Raj. His vision of a village panchayat was a small self-sufficient republic with individual freedom, opportunities for all, and full participation of the people.

While the idea seemed revolutionary at the time, it was Gandhi’s endorsement of it that perhaps explains why the PRI system was partially accepted by the makers of our constitution. PRIs were mentioned in Article 40 only as a Directive Principle of State Policy in 1950. It stated that steps shall be taken to organise village panchayats and endow them with the powers and authority necessary for them to act as units of self-government.

However, around the same time, the central government took a different route to facilitate local development, launching the Community Development Programme (CDP) as a pilot in 1952. The CDP tried to push an expert-driven, top-down development processes, moving away from the idea of organising village communities and self-government.

The CDP, however, was not very successful, despite strong government backing. The reason for this was that under CDP, people were neither involved nor did they participate in their own development. In fact, this was why the Balwant Rai Mehta Committee was formed five years later,  in January 1957, to review both the CDP and the National Extension Service, and suggest measures for improvement.

The committee’s report recommended that, “the government should divest itself completely of certain duties and responsibilities and devolve them to a body which will have the entire charge of all development work within its jurisdiction, reserving to itself only the functions of guidance, supervision and higher planning”.

A three tier elected self-government known as the Panchayati Raj Institution was suggested—with specific duties and responsibilities outlined—thereby formalising what was earlier just a statement of intent in Article 40.

Following the Government of India’s acceptance of these recommendations, various states started adopting the PRI system, with Rajasthan leading the pack in 1959, followed by Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, and other states shortly after. Between 1959 and 1988 various committees were formed to study the PRI system and suggest recommendations, which ultimately culminated in Panchayati Raj Institutions being officially recognised through the passing of 73^rd Constitutional Amendment Act.

How do PRIs function?

The amendment made it obligatory for the states to establish PRIs in accordance with the act, and the Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti, and Zilla Parishad were introduced as elected local bodies. The Sarpanch, also known as panch or pradhan in different states became the elected head of the Panchayat through a formal electoral process.

The Gram Sabha is recognised as the people’s parliament at the village level—the lowest level of administration and comprises all adult members of the village. It has the power to plan, approve, and monitor various development programmes for its village. It has a constitutional mandate, and the elected PRIs are accountable to the Gram Sabha.

There have been further iterations since, such as the Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act of 1996, which gave greater autonomy to people residing in tribal and forest areas.

Related article: Understanding local democracy

Why are PRIs important, and what have they achieved till date?

There were two basic ideas behind introducing such a system. First, it would decentralise the democratic set up by widening the political representation of different social groups, especially women. Second, it would enable the building of efficient local institutions that could plan, execute, and monitor their communities’ development through a participatory approach.

Today, 25 years on, these initial ideas must be seen as success indicators of the PRI system in India.

1. Decentralising the democratic process

In India, election to these local bodies has been carried out on a regular basis, in most cases, freely and fairly. Though some states have seen allegations of violence, these are primarily law and order issues.

Further, the formation of 2,49,016 Gram Panchayats, 6,603 Intermediate Panchayats and 606 Zilla Panchayats indicates the reach of decentralised governance in India. Out of 32 states, 19 have taken measures and reserved 50% of seats for women in these local bodies.

As per the available data, in 2014, there were 29,50,128 elected Panchayati Raj representatives (the recent figures would be around three million), of which 19% were from Scheduled Caste, 12% from Scheduled Tribe communities, and 46% were women. The PRI system has therefore definitely deepened political representation in the country.

The PRI system has therefore definitely deepened political representation in the country. This inclusion and representation of women, scheduled tribes and castes is critical given that the socio-cultural systems in India are mostly caste and gender biased. Equal representation is essential if we have to focus on particular developmental issues and bring in equity.

2. The devolution of power

The second idea is critical, as it not only speaks to the role played by PRIs, but also reflects the willingness of both the central and state governments to give real power to these institutions. Without this devolution of power, decentralised self-government has no meaning.

The 73^rd Amendment provisioned for 29 subject matters in the 11^th schedule, over which PRIs would have complete power to plan, execute, and monitor. However, the current status of these differs across states. The funds, function and functionaries that form the three main components of the devolution of power vary, and thereby weaken the system in many respects.

A devolution report published by the Ministry of Panchayati Raj in 2015-16, mentioned that devolution has two main aspects: the operational core that includes funds, function, functionaries, and the support system that includes capacity building of PRIs, operationalising constitutional mechanisms and introducing systems of transparency and accountability.

From the reflections of the report, it can be concluded that the real devolution still has a long way to go. In terms of devolving function, functionary and finance, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, and Karnataka top the list, whereas Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir, and Jharkhand are at the bottom.

What are the gaps?

Despite the well-thought through provisions, there are several problems in how PRIs function in practice.

1. State leadership and officials are unwilling to provide real power to local elected leaders.
2. Institutional structures like the district planning boards, created to expedite decentralised planning, are either non-functional or do not give priority to PRIs.
3. Limited efforts have been made to empower elected PRI representatives with their constitutional functions; the focus has mostly been on trainings on the schemes and programmes.
4. The state and central government have also started creating separate structures or units for implementing specific projects on education, health, and so on; this limits the role and powers of the PRIs.

As a result, in many cases, PRI representatives have become mere implementers and followers where as the idea was to build them as local leaders leading local development.

What steps can be taken to make PRIs truly effective?

The time has come to move from political representation to power devolution. There is a need for the state political leadership to accept the importance of PRIs, and devolve power to them as mandated in the Constitution of India. Building the capacities of the PRIs not as mere implementers of the projects but as planners and evaluators would help strengthen the institution.

There is also a need for elected local leaders to come together with their constituents, and demand more control and autonomy as enshrined to them by the Constitution of India.

This article was originally published on India Development Review. You can read it here.

About the authors:

Jitendra Rath has been in the social development sector since 2004. He has worked with various organisations including Child Rights and You (CRY), and Oxfam India. He was also an advocacy intern with National Centre for Advocacy Studies, Pune. Based out of Odisha, Jitendra writes extensively in the regional newspapers, web portals and magazines on various developmental issues. His areas of interest are child rights and governance.

Sameet Panda has over a decade of experience working in the development sector. He started his journey in the sector working as a researcher with Supreme Court Commissioners on right to food and went on to work with national and international organisations such as Child Rights and You (CRY), and Action Aid. He has a masters degree in social work. His areas of interest are food, nutrition, education, governance and programme management.

The post Power To The People — The Journey Of Panchayati Raj Institutions appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

पिछले हफ्ते की बात है मैं इंस्टाग्राम चेक कर रही थी, तभी मेरी नज़र एक पोस्ट पर गयी और उस पोस्ट में मेंशन हैशटैग पर। नेशनल औरगैस्म डे। हां यही था। मैंने थोड़ा हैशटैग पर जाकर एक्सप्लोर किया।

नैशनल ऑरगैज़्म डे कि शुरुआत असल में 18 नवंबर को ब्राज़ील के  स्थानीय काउंसिलमैन, अरिमियो दांतास द्वारा पारित हुए कानून के साथ  मानी जाती है, जिसे मूलतः 8 अगस्त को मनाया जाता है, लेकिन ऑस्ट्रेलिया, अमेरिका और लंदन जैसे अन्य देशों में इसे 31 जुलाई को मनाया जाता है।

ऑरगैज़्म मानव शरीर से जुड़ा हुआ एक बेहद  ज़रूरी मुद्दा है जिसपर खुले तौर पर बात होना ज़रूरी  है।  पर ऐसे मुद्दों पर हमारा देश बात  करना पसंद नहीं करता। जहां एक तरफ दूसरे देशों में पिछले दिनों नैशनल ऑरगैज़्म डे मनाया गया है और उससे जुड़ी बातें लोग खुले तौर पर लिखते-पढ़ते और उनपर बात करते हैं। वहीं भारत में सेक्स और ऑरगैज़्म जैसी बातों पर लोग मुंह छिपाने लगते हैं। उन्हें यह मुद्दा बात करने लायक ही नहीं लगता। यहां तक कि अधिकतर लोग अपने ही साथी या पार्टनर से इसपर बात नहीं कर पाते। हिन्दी समाज में तो ऑरगैज़्म को लेकर शायद ही कभी किसी ने लिखा हो। एक बेहद दिलचस्प बात ये भी कि हिन्दी में ऑरगैज़्म का अनुवाद तृप्ति है।

महिला और पुरुष दोनों एक दूसरे से शरीरिक तौर पर बेहद अलग हैं। और दोनों पर समाज का नज़रिया भी अलग है। पुरुष को सभी प्रकार की छूट बचपन से ही भेंट में मिल जाती है, वहीं महिलाओं को बचपन से ही अलग तरीकों से पाला जाता है। उनके लिए  तमाम तरह के नियम बंधन बनाए जाते हैं। उन्हें  बचपन से वयस्क होने की दहलीज  तक आते-आते इस तरह की शिक्षा दी जाती है कि वे अपने शरीर से जुड़ी बातें चाह कर भी नहीं कर पाती।

एक स्त्री अगर बिना पुरुष के साथ संबंध बनाए अगर शारीरीक सुख प्राप्त करने में  सक्षम है तो इस बात को यह पूरा समाज हजम नहीं कर पाता।

मै यहां सीधे तौर पर मास्टरबेशन के उपर बात कर रही हूं जिसके बारे में ज़्यादातर लड़के 10 से 12 साल की उम्र में ही जान लेते हैं पर वही लड़कियों में वयस्क होने तक भी उन्हें  इस बात की पूरी जानकारी नहीं होती है। अगर वह बिना किसी पुरुष के साथ संबंध बनाए शारीरिक सुख प्राप्त करती है तो उसे वह अपने दोस्तों में स्वीकार नहीं कर पाती। समाज में यह धारणा बना दी गयी है कि एक मास्टरबेट करता पुरुष आप सोच सकते हैं, उसे स्वीकार सकते हैं पर वहीं एक स्त्री को मास्टरबेट करती हुई छवि किसी के दिमाग में ही नहीं आता।

उन्हें  अपने लिए मास्टरबेशन गलत लगता है। वहीं मास्टरबेशन पर बात करना एक पुरुष के लिए  बेहद साधारण बात है और एक स्त्री के लिए  ऐसा मसला है जो उसका भी उतना होते हुए भी उसका नहीं है।हालांकि ऐसे मुद्दों पर बात करना बेहद ज़रूरी है, ये जितनी आसानी से पुरुष के लिए स्वीकार्य है, उतना ही एक औरत के लिए  भी होना ज़रूरी है।

हालात यहां तक है कि अगर लड़कियां खुलकर अपने सबसे सामान्य चीजों जैसे पीरीयडस और ब्रा जैसी चीज़ों पर बात करने का साहस जुटाती हैं, तो उन्हें पब्लिकी ट्रोल किया जाता है, शेम किया जाता है। ऐसे में ऑरगैज़्म और वो भी लड़कियों का ऑरगैज़्म पर बात करना तो कल्पना से भी परे बात है।

अभी हाल ही मे आई वीरे दि वेडिंग और लस्ट स्टोरी ऐसी फिल्में है जहां स्त्री से जुड़े शारीरिक सुख के मुद्दे पर थोड़ी रौशनी डालने का प्रयास किया गया है। लेकिन उसपर भारतीय मर्दों ने खुलकर स्वस्थ्य बातचीत करने के बदले उस फिल्म को और उसकी एक्ट्रेस को ही ट्रोल किया।

हकीकत ये है कि ज़्यादातर भारतीय मर्द नहीं जानते कि महिलाओं का भी ऑरगैज़्म उतना ही मैटर करता है, जितना उनका। दरअसल इंटरकोर्स के वक्त उनका इस बारे में ख्याल ही ना आना अपने तरह का पितृसत्ता का हावी होना ही बताता है।

भारतीय पुरुष लड़कियों के मास्टरबेशन को इसलिए भी हजम नहीं कर पाते, क्योंकि उन्हें अपनी सत्ता, मर्द होने की धमक पर यह हमले जैसा लगता है। जबकि कई ऐसे रिसर्च बताते हैं कि 62 प्रतिशत महिलाओं को ऑरगैज़्म मास्टरबेशन के वक्त आता है। ऑरगैज़्म भी दूसरे सामान्य और प्राकृतिक प्रक्रियाओं का ही एक हिस्सा है। स्वास्थ्य पर इसका सीधा असर है। लेकिन भारतीय मर्द ये शायद ही समझें। उन्हें लगता है कि ऑर्गैज़्म पुरूषों के अधिकार क्षेत्र का ही मसला है। सामाजिक टैबू है।

लेकिन वक्त है कि अब इन मुद्दों पर, यौन शिक्षा से जुड़े पहलुओं पर खुलकर बात हो, ताकि एक स्वस्थ्य और बराबरी वाला समाज बनाया जा सके।

The post महिलाओं का ऑर्गैज़्म, ना बाबा ना! appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Seven decades after independence, thousands are yet to see what electricity looks like, while others are waiting for their defunct poles and wires to be more than ornamental.

“It has been 70 years since independence but we are still living in the dark.”

Rajendra Kumar believed, like many of us, that freedom from colonial powers would mean a better life for the country’s people. But seven decades after independence, Kumar’s village is still untouched by electricity, a prerequisite and a marker of progress. In Odisha’s Sundergarh district, fisherfolk are migrating due to the lack of electricity in their village.

At the time of independence, 1,500 villages had access to electricity. Over the years, as the population grew, demands for electricity grew and so did the country’s capacity to generate electricity. India is now the world’s third largest producer of electricity, and as of April 2018, according to PM Narendra Modi’s tweet, electricity reached the last Indian village, Leisang, a village in the north-eastern state of Manipur.

In a video interaction with the residents of Leisang, PM Modi remarked that the football-loving people there must have finally watched the FIFA World Cup live this year. Yes, electricity brought television to Leisang, amongst other facilities. As part of the same interaction, people from different states spoke about the benefits electricity had brought; all immensely grateful.

To verify PM Modi’s claims, Video Volunteers’ nationwide network of community correspondents spoke to the intended beneficiaries of the electrification schemes as well as crowdsourced testimonies, under #BattiGul, a campaign in which we monitor government claims against numerical targets and document the quality of electrification, especially in rural areas. Over 10 weeks, we gathered photo and video testimonies from 160 villages and settlements chronicling what electrification means to people and looks like on the ground. This could only be the tip of the iceberg.

What is an electrified village?

A few days after PM Modi tweeted about all villages having access to electricity, the government clarified that it was referring to the 597,464 census villages and not every village or hamlet. This also means that since India does not have a count of the number of forest villages and/or unsurveyed villages, large populations are excluded from rural electrification schemes. Moreover, under the Deendayal Upadhyay Rural Electrification Scheme, a village is considered electrified if all public buildings and at least 10% of all households have electricity. Habitations with a population of below 100 persons are also not covered by the scheme, leaving millions in the dark.

In villages in Bhadohi and Ambedkar Nagar, Uttar Pradesh and in Morena and Panna, Madhya Pradesh, residents have been paying for an electricity connection that has been long dead. In Dindori, Madhya Pradesh, Sahibganj, Jharkhand, and several other places, electricity poles and meters are merely ornamental. All these villages are counted as electrified villages.

What does electricity look like?

“Since I got married and came here, I have not seen electricity,” says Bistariya Bai Lobo, an elderly Adivasi woman from rural Madhya Pradesh.

While some say that generations in their community have not seen electricity, others refer to occasions from their own lives, like marriage, to count the number of years without electricity.

Shobha Bharti, a woman from Pratapgarh, Uttar Pradesh, wants to know when she will know what electricity is like. “I have turned 22, and I still don’t know what electricity looks like,” she says.

Another young man from Uttar Pradesh is willing to attach the Prime Minister’s name to his village if the village is electrified. “I will ask for Habsaha to be re-christened as Modinagar Habsaha if the government gives us an electricity connection.” Such is the level of gratitude for a basic facility which should be seen as a right and not a favour, and definitely not a race for political gains.

In Karauli, Rajasthan, we found that 63 villages under three panchayats have never seen electricity. In Delwara, a village in the southern part of the state, we found that exposed live wires were making everyday life a nightmare for the residents. According to an external report, Adivasi communities living in another part of Rajsamand, the same district Delwara is in, are being forced to give up their electricity connection because of the high cost.

Is checking the box for each village and household enough? Brahampuri, a village of Mahadalit families in Sitamarhi, Bihar, got electricity connection five years ago. But instead of regular electricity poles, they were given bamboo poles to uphold the wires. One strong gush of wind and the electrification story of this village will be one only on paper.

While households are often missed by electrification schemes owing to their location in non-census villages or in isolated hamlets, what about the public buildings that must be electrified under the Deendayal Upadhyay Rural Electrification Scheme?

In Poonch, Jammu and Kashmir, a Sub-Health Centre that caters to villages under two panchayats does not have electricity.  “How can we store crucial vaccines here if there is no power?” asks a resident. And in Kabirdham, Chhattisgarh, children in a rural anganwadi languish in the heat. “The anganwadi was established in 1998 and there has been no electricity since then,” says an anganwadi worker. In Arwal, Bihar, we found a government secondary school without electricity. The lack of electricity affecting children’s education and growth is a common concern across communities.

“They are playing with our children’s future,” says a resident of Kusumpura village in Panna, Madhya Pradesh. Kusumpura was established as a rehabilitation village after the Ken river flooded and destroyed the settlements on its banks. Rehabilitation sites, which already offer fewer facilities and opportunities to those uprooted from their homes because of natural disasters or development-induced displacement, fare worse when it comes to facilities like electricity. We also found testimonies on the lack of electricity in Bhadal, a similar village in the Barwani district of Madhya Pradesh, a district severely affected by the Sardar Sarovar Dam. The impact of electricity on children’s education has been studied and it is estimated that households with electricity have higher literacy rates and higher enrolment rates, especially for girls; these children also perform better at school, academically.

Another problem we came across was the inconsistency in the government’s online records, names of villages that don’t match, names that come up more than once and names that are missing altogether. For example, the Deendayal Upadhyay Rural Electrification Scheme website does not list Varanasi, the PM’s constituency.

But more significantly, we found some claims of 100% household electrification that our ground reports couldn’t corroborate. For instance, the records for Kathai village in Umaria and Bhatodi village in Betul, both in Madhya Pradesh, claim that all households have been electrified, but our Correspondents have recorded testimonies stating the contrary. Nargi village, also in Madhya Pradesh, has had all its households electrified, according to the Saubhagya website, which may very well be a true claim. But village residents have reported that the electricity connection in the village does not actually work.

Studies suggest that it is not the mere existence of electricity connection but the hours of electricity supply that matter. In a November 2015 report by Fact Checker, it was found that only 2% of the electrified households were getting 20 or more hours of electricity per day and 60% had three days or more of total blackout every month. At present, India’s per capita power consumption, although growing, is still amongst the lowest in the world.

For all the hullabaloo over electricity reaching the last Indian village, it would do the incumbent government well to remember that of the 597,464 census villages in the country, 97% were electrified by 31 March 2015. The present government has electrified only the remaining 3% after that, around 18,374 villages. And now, it plans to electrify all households by March 2019, but estimates suggest that for the government to deliver on this promise, it would take another four years. Till then, millions of Indians will, reportedly, live in darkness.

Independence, an epoch that signified freedom and equal treatment, is the most commonly used reference point by those still waiting for freedom from darkness. It is also a reference point the Prime Minister himself often uses, followed by how previous governments did nothing in the decades that followed. Promising that his government will deliver on its electrification goals, Modi has said that “service to the country is for the people and not for political gain.” But for people to believe in his statement and in saaf niyat sahi vikas, the latest USP the ruling government is trying to push, histrionics will not be enough.

Photos and videos by Video Volunteers Community Correspondents

Article by Alankrita Anand, a member of the Video Volunteers Editorial Team

The post ‘I’m 22 And I Don’t Know What Electricity Looks Like’: 71 Years, No Freedom From Darkness appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Honour’ killings aren’t about honour at all – they are murders carried out by the apparently powerful to maintain status quo of caste, power, and property.

Community Correspondent Reena, reported an honour killing crime that took place on August 8, 2018, in Haryana’s Rohtak. We could get into the nitty-gritty of the crime, but that would take away from the larger, and more important, picture. Despite police protection, Mamta, 18, was shot dead outside the court where she had a hearing regarding the legitimacy of her birth certificate. Her family had filed a case to prove that she was a minor at the time of marriage in 2017. The woman, an adult, was killed by two gunmen from Uttar Pradesh allegedly hired by her family. Why? Because, she, a Jat, was gunned down for marrying a man of her choice, a Dalit. It was an inter-caste marriage – still mostly socially unacceptable in large swathes of India – this was the absurd cause of her murder.

Such killings are definitely more than just about honour, an abstract concept that has killed scores of young men and women who act of their own volition. Reena says these killings are about maintaining the caste status-quo and property, and of course, an attempt to keep a woman enchained.

First of all, a woman marrying of her own will is challenging patriarchy – “if she marries freely, then later she will ask for more, she will demand her rights,” says Reena. Second, inter-caste marriages distribute property outside of one’s caste. So, marrying within one’s own caste is a way to ensure property remains in the grip hold of a powerful few. Lastly, mixed-caste marriages challenge the apparently superior position of ‘upper’ caste communities, and marrying a person of your own caste is another means to guarantee that power remains where it is.

Perceptions go a long way in maintaining the status-quo of the powerful. Brutal killings are a means for the ‘upper’ caste to create and sustain an impenetrable aura of fear – killing your own kin is a message to stick to the fabric of society, no matter how retrograde, or risk losing your life.

These are not ‘honour’ killings – these are crimes committed by the apparently powerful who fear their power being snatched away from them through freely willed and determined actions.

Reena reported on another inter-caste marriage from Haryana earlier this year, a positive one this time. Surendra and Sapna got married in 2016 – for them, it was not a “love marriage, but a choice marriage”, Sapna said. The word “choice” is so crucial – Mamta was killed, essentially, because she acted of her own choice.

Her husband and father-in-law are in jail currently, on charges of forgery of the birth certificate. The police have arrested Mamta’s parents and brother, and the two gunmen. There is some hope that justice will be meted out.

There is a somewhat lusterless silver lining in this otherwise unfortunate story – where Mamta’s parents even refused to claim her body upon death, she was claimed by the Nari Niketan in Karnal and cremated in Rohtak as her parents and the panchayat disallowed for her last rights to be held in her village of Gaddikheri. The All India Democratic Women’s Association has also approached the District Collector in Rohtak for some answers, in a struggle to weed out this category of murder in the garb of culture. Mamta’s murder was a huge leap backwards, but the struggle to end ‘honour’ killings is in full swing, and that is surely a step in the right direction.

Video by Community Correspondent Reena

Article by Shreya Kalra, a member of the VV Editorial Team

The post Not ‘Honour’ Killings, But Murders To Exert Power appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

As adolescents, my friends and I referred to ‘sex’ as the ‘three-letter bad word’. In an all-girls missionary school, we learned about intercourse with a clinical precision. Our Biology teacher’s body language made it amply clear that questions were not welcome. Sex was, but a means to an end, even though (thanks to American rom-coms) teenage imaginations ran amuck with wild fascinations of our own.  

Almost a decade hence, when I look around me, matters of sex are still discussed in between hushed silences. While we have an erotic tradition of over a thousand years old, we currently also see the incessant proliferation of anti-Romeo squads, determined to curb healthy relationships between young men and women. There has been a huge spike in honour killings, there is no concept of sex education in our schools, and until very recently our film certification board was eager to shoot down almost any film where a woman is in control of her own sexuality.

Seema Anand, the author of the book The Arts of Seduction, says that this ‘bizarre’ shift in attitude is a ‘reaction to the emancipation of women’. Drawing from the Kama Sutra, Anand’s book is a guide to having great sex in the 21st century. She adds that India’s attitude towards sex changed from a joyous pleasurable experience to one of domination and repression a long time ago. As long as sex was the privilege and pleasure of the man it was fine. After all, ‘boys will be boys’. If it was violent (as in rape), then ‘she was asking for it’.

She describes how a woman’s narrative begins right at the top, as an all-powerful goddess. The fact that she can create life makes her godly and worthy of worship. But somewhere along the way, the narrative changes from one of power to disenfranchisement.

“And if you look carefully it is a very subtle little shift.  The role of the woman does not change, the nuance changes. She still creates life but no longer because she wishes to, rather because she is told to. She is told when and with who. Desire becomes a duty. It is no longer her power, it is now her job, it is what enslaves her.

So the one thing that changes is the woman’s right to her own body, her right to her own sexuality. And literally by taking away this one thing you have changed her status from ‘free human being’ to ‘possession’.”

The author feels, “The idea that desire could be reciprocal, however, that women may equally want to act on it – that is unacceptable. It is like opening up the gates to hell because that will once again lead to the toppling of power. With education and economic independence women are coming the realisation that their bodies belong to them and that their desires and pleasures are no less important – it is equally their right. And that, in turn, is leading to violent repercussions.”

When it comes to our attitude towards sex (as a society), Anand asserts that we’ve almost lost the idea of being human beings and turned into animals – “sex is justifiable violence, it is male privilege and female subjugation, even the language is one of misogyny and abuse.”

We do talk about sex constantly but mostly in the form of dirty jokes and innuendo. We think that telling crude jokes makes us ‘modern’, and coarse conversation can pass off for seduction, but the moment one tries to speak about desire or pleasure seriously, it becomes taboo.

The London-based mythologist and narrative practitioner informs, “And at the mere mention of the Kama Sutra we are ready to express shock, horror, consternation – the book that tried to introduce ultimate degrees of refinement and elegance to sexual pleasure, the book that sought to elevate seduction to unimaginable heights of beauty and subtlety, worthy of the one species that God created in his own image.”

Personally, the author is fascinated by the literary and cultural heritage of the Kama Sutra which is all but lost to us. This is the book that inspired 1,500 years of Sanskrit and Tamil classics, old paintings and sculptures. One that created the traditions and metaphors of sensuality and pleasure that went on to inform the vocabulary, arts and practices of ancient and medieval India. Here is a text where violence of any kind, even in extreme heights of passion, is unacceptable. She thinks the world desperately needs the Kama Sutra.

“Vatsyayan warns the men constantly against using too much force, telling them gory stories of how such-and-such hit out too hard during orgasm and killed his mistress or such-and-such was so rough he maimed his lover. He empowers the women not to accept this kind of behaviour. He says – if the love bite is too hard, tell your lover to stop, and if he still will not listen bite him back, twice as hard, till he does….

And the language – far from using abusive language the Kama Sutra describes even the genitalia in terms of exquisiteness – the vulva is the ‘chandan mahal’ or ‘fragrant palace’, the clitoris becomes the ‘madan chhatri’ or the ‘umbrella of the love god’. As Naomi Wolf says imagine a young girl growing up in a world where every slang word for her body “used metaphors of beauty and preciousness and every description of sex centred on her pleasure” – how differently she would think of herself, how differently would the act of sex be viewed and how different a world it would be.”   

Anand says that culturally Kama Sutra was a book of enormous importance, the first text that acknowledged the right of women to be equal participants in the act of love and equal recipients of its pleasure. Unfortunately, there are a lot of translations (often terrible) which reduce it to a book of weird sexual positions and graphic paintings, none of which is its true identity.

“I wanted to unravel those metaphors, to dig up the ancient myths and stories, to unsilence the narratives that made sex such a poetic experience for Ancient India. I wanted to put the seduction back into sex and reclaim the refinement and joyousness of sexual pleasure for the human race.”

The author has tried to rewrite it so that there is something in here for everyone. In her book, Anand has discussed everything from how scratching plays a role in lovemaking to dildos, love bites to the way different phases of moon aid in harnessing one’s sexual energy. Every chapter has an advice section, which breaks down the formulaic structure of the ancient text into suggestions that can be easily followed – “whether your interest is purely academic and you want to explore the myths and stories or whether you want to spice up your sex life or whether you want a different narrative to pass on to your children – it’s up to you.”

In her words, “It’s time to change the story.”

The post According To Author Seema Anand, The World Desperately Needs The ‘Kama Sutra’. Here’s Why appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

The scale of any tragedy can only be estimated. One could never possibly imagine the colossal scale of impact. Therefore, it is useless to pretend that one is able to. The situation in Kerala is no different.

Even as I write this, I cannot comprehend that over 661,000 people are presently displaced and there is a looming threat to thousands more. Over 350 people have lost their lives, and the destinies of their families have changed forever. Across the state are hastily organized relief camps where people are coming to terms with the misfortune that has befallen them. Over 200,000 people have taken refuge in over 1,500 relief camps across 14 districts of Kerala. As report after report streams in, the distressing picture of a state in misery is inescapable. It is also unparalleled and unprecedented.

And, during these distressing times, emerge heroic tales of compassion and selflessness. Men in uniform brave walls of water to ensure that lives are safe and the extent of the tragedy is mitigated, while ordinary men and women, fisherfolk and good samaritans, without any means, training, equipment, or comfort, comb neighbourhoods, night and day, to ensure a diligent and concerted search and rescue process, often disregarding grave perils to their own lives!

However, Kerala’s woes are only beginning. Roads, bridges, and public infrastructure have been ruined. It is estimated that 10,000 kms of roads are damaged and require rebuilding. The scale of damage caused to houses across hundreds of villages and towns is unfathomable. Scores of villages lie inundated in water and debris, without power, communication systems, or access to relief measures. Essential supplies including provisions, potable water, medicines, fuel, food, clothing, beddings, etc., are in short supply. Corpses of dead animals lie littered in water, threatening an outbreak of disease and infection. The state of healthcare infrastructure to respond to the aftereffects of this tragedy cannot be immediately assessed. Entire plantations of cash crops lie devastated. The state government has pegged the economic loss at a staggering ₹195 billion (₹19, 512 crores). These losses continue to mount even as I write this. The human cost and emotional impact of this tragedy are far from being calculable.

But, this outpouring of mine should not be construed as an abridged version of news reports. It isn’t. Elsewhere, lately, there have been noises of the not-so-nice kind. It is being propagated that this tragedy has befallen us since we are lowly, immoral, and unholy ‘beef-eaters’, besides being utterly ungodly and uncivilized in desiring that our women be allowed the basic essential (not privilege) of equality to worship a Lord Ayyappa, who it seems, according to the archaic beliefs of some people, desires only male patronage! It is futile, I know, to reason with nitwits whose intellectual disabilities do not permit them to comprehend cultural beliefs outside of their own tiny and seemingly important realms of existence, that they glorify as being the holy grail of living.

No, that is not how this tragedy has come about. Not due to the wrath of gods, nor in the consumption of the holy cow. But, yes, due to a blatant disregard for the environment, and the proximate cause being the incessant downpour that has struck us mercilessly and unabated for months. But, this is not the time for a post-mortem. Not yet. There will be agencies, bodies, and commissions of enquiry, established exclusively for that purpose. They will, in turn, determine, rightfully so, that beef, gods, and religion have nothing to do with floods and natural disasters. However, I’m not sure if that inference would satisfy those relics steeped in mindless and medieval attitudes. There is simply no cure for foolishness and the rest of us have little choice but to endure the pain of sharing the world with such imbeciles. However, mercifully, such dim-witted, gormless, and unintelligent voices are not the reflection of the population at large. They are isolated and individual at best.

Now, it is imperative that I state the purpose of this write-up. It is, as I mentioned before, not the summary of news reports to aggregate facts and figures. Neither is it an opinion to counter the mindless voices of some severely disordered who continue to attribute wildly insane reasons to the cause of this grave tragedy that has struck millions. This post is to express gratitude to nations and people who, from far and wide, across the boundaries of cultures, borders, and religions, have stood with us in solidarity during our time of grief and misery. Your support in gesture, kind, and capital are acts of kindness that we shall, forever, remain indebted and grateful for. It has reaffirmed in us, once again, that during calamity, we can stand together as one, to shoulder each other, in exactly the manner which is expected of us. During these trying times, we are witness to extraordinary feats of courage and selflessness by ordinary people whose zeal and zest allow us the gift of life. Armies of volunteers, military and medical personnel, government officials, and ordinary people continue to brave incomprehensible dangers to ensure that further lives are not lost. This is a true reflection of the unequivocally positive nature of the human spirit and its endeavour. It is this gift that keeps us alive, literally! But, Kerala is in need of a whole lot more. There is so much that needs to be done and we could do our bit, in our own way. No act of kindness is small, inconsequential, or insignificant.

As the moral and social philosopher, Erich Hoffer once said, “the hardest arithmetic to master is that which enables us to count our blessings.” That is what I find myself doing today, an atheist in prayer, one who is counting his blessings for the fortune that he continues to enjoy.

If you are in an affected zone, here is how you can request for help: https://keralarescue.in/request/

To contribute in kind, please see https://keralarescue.in/reg_contrib/

To contribute to the Chief Minister’s Distress Relief Fund, please see https://donation.cmdrf.kerala.gov.in/

Important Announcements on the Floods in Kerala: https://keralarescue.in/announcements/

A list of relief camps across Kerala: https://keralarescue.in/relief_camps_list

Relief Camp Requirements: https://keralarescue.in/camp_requirements/

List of Registered Requests (District-wise): https://keralarescue.in/requests/?district=

District Needs & Collection Centers: https://keralarescue.in/district_needs/

Register as Volunteer: https://keralarescue.in/volunteer/

NGO/Company Registration for Volunteering: https://keralarescue.in/NGO/

District level point of contacts: https://keralarescue.in/contactus/

Map view of Relief Resources and Flooded Streets: https://keralarescue.in/map-view/

Google Person Finder (Kerala Floods): https://google.org/personfinder/2018-kerala-flooding

The post We All Need To Do Our Bit For Kerala. And No Act Of Kindness Is Small Or Insignificant appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

It’s been 100 years and more; the longest statehood demand in India’s history, the one for Gorkhaland has reached its peak many times. Yet, it has always come tumbling down. Time and again, the unfulfilled aspirations of people have been doused by temporary promises and in 2017, the ‘Queen of Hills’, Darjeeling, was under siege as Gorkhas all around the world stood in unison against this incessant predicament of proving their identity as Indian citizens. Despite it dating back to 1907, why is it that the demand for Gorkhaland has always fallen into deaf ears? Why is it that despite agitations and protests, the issue still lays unresolved, pushed into the corners of nothingness – like a dormant volcano that erupts from time to time, only to be silenced again. What is it that reignites this movement time and again at regular intervals and leaves it without any solution?

History of Gorkhaland Demand

The demand for a separate administrative unit in Darjeeling has existed since 1907, when the Hillmen’s Association of Darjeeling submitted a memorandum to Minto-Morley Reforms demanding a separate administrative setup. Also, it may be mentioned that in 1947, the undivided Communist Party of India (CPI) submitted a memorandum to the Constituent Assembly demanding the formation of Gorkhasthan comprising the Darjeeling district and Sikkim.

In the 1980s, under Gorkha National Liberation Front’s (GNLF) Subhas Ghising, the movement reached its peak. The years 1986-88 were some of the most violent years of the protest: approximately 1,200 people died. The agitation ultimately led to the establishment of a semi-autonomous body in 1988 called the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) to govern certain areas of the Darjeeling district. Eventually, Ghising faded away from limelight and in 2008, the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) began spearheading the movement. In 2011, GJM signed an agreement with the state and central governments for the formation of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, another semi-autonomous body that replaced the DGHC in the Darjeeling hills.

The 2013 agitation was also one to remember wherein for the first time in 106 years, all the major political parties of the hills agreed to come together and jointly take the agitation forward. Even in 2017, the agitation bore no fruits. Protests first started on June 5, after the West Bengal government announced their intention that the Bengali language would be made mandatory in all schools across the state. People of Darjeeling and the adjoining areas who are predominantly Nepali speaking, saw this as an imposition of an alien culture upon them. Fuelled by the determination to preserve their own culture, identity and language, the protest soon turned into a full-fledged resurgence of the agitation for a separate state of Gorkhaland. July 30, 2017 saw the Gorkhas (and also some non-Gorkhas) all over the world taking part in a Global Rally for Gorkhaland. And as the Gorkha Global Rally completes a year in 2018, the issue still remains unresolved at large.

Where The Problem Lies

As is evident from history, several agitations and semi-autonomous bodies have not been able to provide any respite to the Gorkhas’ demand. What is clearly lacking here is an accountable and transparent leadership – one that inspires not only a group of people but that which motivates everyone to come along with him/her and move forward for a common cause with renewed strategies and fresh perspectives.

On these lines, Shankar Pandey, a lawyer from Shillong opines, “Talking about leadership, accountable and transparent leadership is the need of the hour. It may be recalled that during Subhash Ghishing’s time, everybody looked up to him in the hope that he would give them Gorkhaland on a platter but the results proved otherwise. In 2017 again, it was the same state of affairs. However, a closer look at the 2017 agitation will show a difference in strategic approach. It has been seen that people have learnt their lessons and GJM chief, Bimal Gurung was at the centre of the storm as people were on the lookout for accountability and transparency.”

It has been seen time and again that the major problem with the Gorkhaland movement is the attitude of shifting responsibilities from one person to a group of people who display a level of ‘so-called’ leadership which is not even visible to common masses. It is significant to realise that the onus of Gorkhaland falls upon each and every Gorkha residing in any part of the world. Another major problem with the Gorkhaland demand is the presence of a power corridor – a sense of democracy needs to be instilled in the minds of leaders.

“Gorkhaland is purely a matter of safeguarding identity,” Mr. Shankar adds. “When we compare the demand for Gorkhaland to those of Telangana, Uttarakhand and the likes, we see that the demand for these states was solely made from the developmental point of view; but this is definitely not the case with Gorkhaland. However, this does not mean that development is not a major factor in the Darjeeling hills. Identity, however, is a primary force while all others feature subsequently”, he states.

The problem of identity crisis has been haunting the Gorkhas in India from time immemorial. Hence, this is not a fight for a separation from India but a fight of Indians to retain who they are!

Mr. Shankar makes an important point when he says, “The issue of identity can only be solved by statehood and not by any form of autonomous body of governance that has been seen as a solution to douse previous agitations. This is an attempt to dilute the greater demand.”

What is the solution?

“There is a need to set up a mass network of which each and every Gorkha can be part of on a larger platform. The movement should not be confined to only the hills of Darjeeling but to all over India. Everybody should come together and take responsibility. There should be Gorkhaland campaigns and we should hold our leadership accountable to us. There is no proper information dissemination. Knowledge is power and lack of knowledge makes the people and movement weak,” says Mr. Shankar.

The need for alternate leadership with young people from all fronts of life is the need of the hour. Youth should take up the responsibility to cover up the limitations in the movement. A fresh approach is needed. Darjeeling is lagging behind in every front in terms of overall development as compared to other parts of West Bengal, which all the more justifies the need for demand of separate statehood.

It is a test of endurance and this is not the time to fade away into oblivion. This is in fact the only movement that says that Gorkhas want to be part of India with an identity of their own. It is not about ‘Azaadi’ here, it is about ‘Identity’ while upholding the saying ‘Bharat Maata ki Jai!’

“Gorkhaland is not only about protests and agitation. It is time to understand that there are other, more influential methods of demanding the same. It is high time we change our approach and work together smartly for a common cause. Even at the grassroot level, it is important for people to know what the movement is all about so that they can form opinions and work towards attainment of a larger cause. Ignorance in this case is definitely not bliss,” he adds

Founding Vice Chancellor of Sikkim University, Mahendra P Lama, while addressing a gathering in Shillong, Meghalaya on the Gorkhaland movement last year also drew focus to an important point when he said, “The problem of Gorkhaland does not belong to Darjeeling alone but it is a national issue. The identity problem with Indian Gorkhas has increased manifold as we do not have a proper state representation.” Mr Lama was the pro-vice chancellor of IGNOU and at the age of 45, he became the youngest vice chancellor of a central university in India.

He emphasises on the need to create a central committee to bring matters concerning all Gorkhas into the fray. For this, Mr. Lama stresses on the need for an organizational structure in the form of a central body that would over-arch the national body and the inclusion of a national negotiating team as well. Following this, the next step would be to take the Gorkhaland issue to the National level with Parliamentary discussions on it. The issue should reach political parties, national civil society and other stakeholders including industrial and business houses.

He goes on to state that the orientation of the movement should undergo a major shift from emotional outpourings to more concrete discussions and debate. Tangible restructuring and reorientation of leadership pattern and political action should be carried out while also focusing more on central government to solve the issue rather than approaching the state government, thereby confining the movement only to local fronts. It is important that a central committee should comprise of credible faces and influential minds so that the union government will take the plunge and be serious about negotiations.

Gaurav Lama, a supporter of Gorkhaland movement, adds, “The movement in 2017 gained much more attraction due to social media. While it is good that the common man was honestly and strenuously involved, we must strive to strike deep into the BJP camp to make inroads. We must try to convince top BJP heads to push this matter forward.

The ruling government must prove to be more than just another power greedy party. They must come forth and stand by their promise of working on making Gorkhaland a reality. This can be achieved only if the senior BJP leaders are serious about Gorkhaland and if there are a bunch of people who shall talk to and remind the BJP senior hierarchy that they have their promises to keep.”

As Mahendra P.Lama rightly said, “We have to tread the unorthodox path. A desperate situation requires a desperate solution.”

The writer can be reached at shwetarajkanwar@gmail.com & shweta@thenortheasttoday.com

ALSO READ | On being an Indian Gorkhali or a Nepali in Northeast India- the identity crisis continues!

The post Gorkhaland Movement: The Fault Line In India’s Longest Statehood Demand appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

नोट– मामले की जानकारी के लिए YKA ने DSP सदर से बात की, और उन्होंने फोन पर जानकारी दी है कि आरोपी जेल भेज दिया गया है, यह पूछने पर कि क्या उसने मान लिया है कि हत्या उस ने की है, उन्होंने बताया है कि जेल गया है तो कुछ तो बात है ही।

बिहार में महिला सुरक्षा के नाम पर चौतरफा घिरी बिहार सरकार को एक के बाद घटनाओं से उभरने का मौका नहीं मिल पा रहा है। आरा के बिहिया में एक युवक के मौत के बाद आक्रोशित भीड़ ने आरोपी महिला को निर्वस्त्र कर शहर में घुमाया जिसके बाद सरकार विपक्ष के निशाने पर आ गई। हालांकि इस मामले में मुख्य आरोपी राजद के समर्थक ही बताए जा रहे हैं। वहीं दूसरी तरफ बिहार के दरभंगा ज़िले में दहेज को लेकर एक नवविवाहिता की हत्या मामला सामने आया है।

मामला 18 अगस्त का है, घटना के बाद मृतका का एक पत्र भी सामने आया है जिसमें हत्या को लेकर पूर्व से की जा रही साज़िश का पर्दाफाश किया गया है। बिहार के मधुबनी ज़िले के जरैल गांव निवासी बिहार पुलिस में दारोगा पद पर कार्यरत भूपनारायण झा की पुत्री रंजना झा की शादी कुछ महीनों पहले 29 अप्रैल को दरभंगा ज़िले के ओझौल गांव निवासी बिहार पुलिस के सेवानिवृत्त अजय झा के पुत्र प्रभात झा से धूमधाम से सम्पन्न हुई थी।

लेकिन कुछ ही दिनों बाद ससुराल पक्ष से दहेज को लेकर नवविवाहिता को प्रताड़ित करना शुरू कर दिया गया। मृतिका ने कुछ दिनों पहले अपने भाई के नाम एक खत लिखा था जिसमें ससुराल पक्ष के लोगों के द्वारा दहेज में बुलेट बाइक नहीं दिए जाने के कारण तरह-तरह की प्रताड़ना देने की बातें कही थी। जब तक मृतिका रंजना के परिजन इस मामले को सही से समझ पाते तब तक रंजना जिंदगी हार चुकी थी।

वहीं दूसरी तरफ रंजना की हत्या को लेकर ससुराल वालों ने एक ऐसी पटकथा लिखी जिसने एकबारगी पुलिस को भी सोचने पर मजबूर कर दिया। ससुराल वालों ने रंजना की मौत का कारण एक सड़क दुर्घटना बताया। रंजना के पति ने बताया कि वह अपनी पत्नी के साथ घटना के दिन घूमने के लिए बाइक से निकला था। रंजना का पति जो कि फिलहाल पुलिस कस्टडी में है, उसने आईसीयू में इलाजरत होने के दौरान मीडिया को बताया कि वह घर से कुछ दूरी पर बाइक से दुर्घटना का शिकार हो गए। जिसमें उनकी पत्नी की मौत हो गई।

प्रभात झा ने कहा कि पत्नी रंजना के कहने पर उस रास्ते से दोनों शाम को घूमने के लिए निकले थे। इसी दौरान तेज़ रफ्तार भारी वाहन की चपेट में आने से रंजना की मौत हो गई साथ ही प्रभात झा ने बताया कि वह बाइक चला रहा था, सामने से गाड़ी आई और उसकी रोशनी से आंखे चौंधिया गई। जिसके कारण गाड़ी का बैलेंस बिगड़ गया। उसके बाद उन्हें अस्पताल में होश आया तो पता चला कि उसकी पत्नी रंजना की मौत हो गई है।

लेकिन रंजना के पति प्रभात झा के द्वारा बताए गए घटनाक्रम को लेकर लड़की के परिजनों का कहना है कि यह षड्यंत्र है। घटना के दिन सुबह से ही लड़की वालों के परिजन लगातार रंजना के ससुराल वालों को फोन कर रहे थे। लेकिन किसी ने भी फोन उठाना मुनासिब नहीं समझा। फिर अचानक शाम में इस बात की जानकारी दी गई कि रंजना की सड़क दुर्घटना में मौत हो गई है। जब घटना की जानकारी मिली तो परिवार वाले रंजना के ससुराल पहुंचे जहां पर पुलिस की मौजूदगी में प्राथमिक अनुसंधान में यह पाया गया कि रंजना के पैर का पायल कमरे में क्षत-विक्षत पड़ा हुआ था वहीं टूटी हुई लहठीयां भी कमरे से बरामद हुई। जो कि इस बात की तरफ इशारा करती है कि मृतका रंजना के साथ पहले घर में मारपीट की गई उसके बाद हत्या कर शव को ठिकाने लगाकर घटना को दूसरा रूप देने के लिए दुर्घटना जैसी पटकथा का ताना-बाना बना गया।

घटनास्थल से कुछ ही दूरी पर दुकान लगाने वाले लोगों ने पुलिस की छानबीन के दौरान बताया कि घटनास्थल से दौड़ते हुए एक युवक उनकी दुकान पर पहुंचा और बताया कि बाइक सवार दंपति की दुर्घटना हुई है। वहीं उस युवक ने दुकानदार को बिना पूछे यह भी बताया कि जिस गाड़ी की चपेट में दोनों आए हैं। उस गाड़ी के अगले हिस्से में मृतका रंजना का कपड़ा फस गया था। जो कि कुछ दूर तक घसीटते हुए चली गई। हालांकि यह सुनी सुनाई बातें हैं जो कि घटनास्थल से लौटे एक युवक ने दुकानदार को बताया। जिस व्यक्ति ने दुकानदार को इस बात की जानकारी दी वह व्यक्ति अब सामने नहीं आ रहा है।

वहीं दुकानदार ने पुलिस को बताया कि घटना होते हुए किसी ने नहीं देखा है बल्कि जो युवक घटना के बारे में हम लोग को जानकारी देने के लिए दुकान के पास पहुंचा व युवक उस दिन से गायब है। मृतका रंजना के पति के द्वारा दिए गए बयान के अनुसार जिस बाइक से दुर्घटना हुई है उस बाइक में ना तो किसी प्रकार की खरोचें हैं ना ही बाइक ड्राइव कर रहे रंजना के पति प्रभात झा के शरीर में किसी प्रकार की चोटें है। इसके बावजूद भी पति प्रभात झा ने खुद के बचाव के लिए अस्पताल में भर्ती करवा लिया।

मृतका के घरवालों की माने तो रंजना की हत्या एक षड्यंत्र है। जिसमें मृतका के पति सास, ससुर, ननद, ननदोई सहित पति के कई दोस्त भी शामिल हैं। सूत्रों व ग्रामीणों के अनुसार इस बात की शंका ज़ाहिर की जा रही है कि घटना के दिन शाम को रंजना के कपड़े में रंजना के ननद को प्रभात झा ने बाइक पर बिठाया व मुंह ढककर लोगों के बीच से भरी मार्केट से आगे की तरफ निकल गया। ताकि घटना को लेकर बुने गए पटकथा में लोग इस बात की पुष्टि करें कि प्रभात झा अपनी पत्नी के साथ बाइक से निकला था।

वही जिस व्यक्ति ने इस बात की आशंका ज़ाहिर की है उसने नाम गुप्त रखने की शर्त पर बताया कि मृतका के पति प्रभात झा के दोस्त जो कि निकटतम एक गांव के रहने वाले हैं उन्होंने अपने चार पहिया वाहन से रंजना के शव को घटनास्थल पर पहुंचाया और उसी गाड़ी से रंजना के पति प्रभात झा को पहले तो डीएमसीएच दरभंगा ना ले जाकर डीएमसीएच के पास एवन नाम के अस्पताल में ले जाया गया जहां प्रभात झा का सीटी स्कैन किया गया। रिपोर्ट में किसी भी प्रकार की चोटें या खरोंच की बातें सामने नही आई। इस आधार पर अस्पताल ने प्रभात झा को भर्ती लेने से इंकार कर दिया।

इसके बाद प्रभात झा दरभंगा के पारस अस्पताल पहुंचा जहां अस्पताल कर्मियों ने एवन अस्पताल के आईसीयू रिपोर्ट के आधार पर भर्ती लेने से इंकार कर दिया। आगे प्रभात झा ने अपने एक मित्र की मदद से आरबी मेमोरियल दरभंगा के आईसीयू वार्ड में खुद को भर्ती करवा लिया। जबकि सामान्य चोट भी प्रभात झा को नहीं आई थी। यह रंजना की हत्या को दूसरी दिशा देने के लिए लिखे गए पटकथा का एक हिस्सा मात्र था।

घटना के पहले दिन रंजना के पति व ससुर के बयान में भी अंतर देखा गया। रंजना के पति ने यह बताया कि रंजना का शव घटनास्थल से टेंपो से लाया गया था, जबकि रंजना के ससुर ने बताया कि शव चार पहिया वाहन से लाया गया था। घटना के बाद मामले में बहुत सारे ऐसे तथ्य सामने आए हैं जो पूर्णरूपेण इस बात की तरफ इशारा कर रहे हैं कि यह मामला घटना नहीं बल्कि सोची समझी साज़िश की तहत मर्डर है।

मामले में पोस्टमार्टम रिपोर्ट भी आ चुकी है जिस आधार पर एसपी ने भी इस बात की तरफ इशारा किया है कि मामला हत्या का प्रतीत हो रहा है। फिलहाल पुलिस आरोपी पति को गिरफ्तार कर पूछताछ कर रही है। मृतका को न्याय दिलाने के लिए स्थानीय मिथिला स्टूडेंट यूनियन, दहेज मुक्त मिथिला सहित कई सामाजिक संगठन की पहल पर महिला आयोग भी सामने आया है। अब देखना यह होगा कि मृतका रंजना को इंसाफ कब तक मिल पाता है।

The post दहेज में बुलेट बाइक नहीं देने पर बिहार के रंजना की हत्या, पति ने बनाई फिल्मी स्क्रिप्ट appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

52 countries have criminalised marital rape. But in India, lawmakers supposedly fear ‘destabilising’ the institution of marriage. It’s not fear; it’s misogyny.

“Yes, he is my husband but does that mean he can rape me?”

The argument against marital rape is as simple as that. It does not matter whether the perpetrator is a complete stranger or your husband of many years; forcing an individual to engage in a sexual act amounts to rape.

When Rita (name changed), a survivor of marital rape and domestic violence, approached the local police station, she was told that since he is her husband, she must submit to his demands. This was when she raised the crucial point that whether or not the man is her husband, he has no right to rape her, a point that seems to escape our society and government at large.

The police eventually arrested her husband, although the charge sheet only mentioned domestic violence and not rape. But their attitude, along with the attitude of her parents and her community depicts how women are still treated as someone’s property and are expected to be subservient.

“My refusal meant nothing to him,” said Rita when Community Correspondent Reena Ramteke, asked her how she tried to oppose her husband. Rita added that her husband would beat her up and threaten to kill her. He would try not to let the children sleep in the same room as them, but when Rita insisted that they would, he would rape her in their presence.

“Faced by such violent threats, how could I scream?” asks Rita. Her husband’s threats aside, one wonders if many would have come to her aid had she screamed for help. The police initially said that they did not want to get involved in a marital dispute and subsequently filed only a domestic violence case. And her parents, who she thought would support her, said that her problems were not their business anymore.

Instead of coming to a survivor’s aid, institutions like the family and the state can only make matters worse. Fortunately, her in-laws stayed by her side and helped her file a report, even encouraging her to live separately and letting her stay with them as the violence grew. Rita’s husband is now in jail.

It was not only the stigma against domestic violence and sexual abuse that made it difficult for Rita to file a case but the fact that there is no law that criminalises marital rape. The belief that marriage is a sacrament and that the institution of the family should be protected runs deep right from the local police in Rita’s case up to the Union Ministers, and within most homes.

International agreements like the CEDAW (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women) and national level committees like the landmark Justice JS Verma Committee, have both recommended removing the marital rape exception from IPC 375, the section of the Indian Penal Code that defines rape. Union Minister for Women and Child Development Maneka Gandhi, who first infamously said that marital rape is a concept that does not apply to India, also later suggested that the government was mulling criminalising the offence. Consequently, the matter was left up to the Law Commission.

The issue hit the courts again in cases of marital rape against minor survivors, not below 15 years of age and also when groups of activists petitioned against it again. In the former, the courts ruled that marital rape of a minor below 18 years would also be considered a criminal offence because it would be considered rape under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act of 2012.

Petitioners have also sought the same safeguard for adult married women. Although the petition challenging the exception to IPC 375  is still being heard in the Delhi High Court, senior Supreme Court judges like Justice Chandrachud have also argued that the right to say ‘no’ should be a right after marriage too. In another case, the Gujarat High Court gave relief to a man accused of marital rape on the grounds that there was no law to book him under but made it clear that the offence is an injustice and must be criminalised.

Interestingly, a counter-petition challenging the aforementioned PIL in the Delhi High Court also surfaced earlier this year. The petition, filed by a ‘Men’s Rights Group’, argued that marital rape should not be an offence because there are already enough laws protecting women from sexual abuse and that criminalising it would only harass men further. The court eventually struck down the PIL, hopefully setting a precedent in favour of criminalising the offence. The government, however, has not shown an active interest in doing so.

That married women are already protected by several laws, especially the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence (DV) Act of 2005, is the most common argument against the criminalisation of marital rape. Although the DV Act mentions sexual violence, it is a civil law and not a criminal law. It is precisely what happened in Rita’s case; the police filed a case of domestic violence, and her husband is now in jail. But the problem lies in the failure to recognise that non-consensual sex perpetrated by a husband is also rape and that a woman has absolute autonomy over her body and her life, whether she is married or not.

Video by Community Correspondent Reena Ramteke

Article by Alankrita Anand, a member of the VV Editorial Team

The post “My Refusal Meant Nothing To Him”: A Survivor Opens Up About 10 Years Of Marital Rape appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

(This article is based on my views on someone who is projected as a future Prime Minister of India, in sections, that have been put devoid of satire, while certain other sections of this article are satirical. The intent is not as much to take a personal jibe at anyone as it is to highlight the fallacies in the arguments put forward by Mr. Gandhi in the interaction event held at the London School of Economics on August 24, 2018, where I went as a delegate representing Cambridge University. This article is not to either support or negate any individual or political party, but to understand some nuances that I feel like discussing.)

Rahul Gandhi came to study at Cambridge shortly after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi: a point he made it a point to highlight recently. The “red book“, which lists Cambridge University members, lists him as: “VINCI, Rahul T MPHIL95“. An interesting alias (albeit probably required for security reasons). What I recently observed though and that stuck in my mind was this smile of his, much like the Mona Lisa smile, that made an appearance at his appearance in London School of Economics (LSE). Enigmatic and, in his case, somewhat mistimed. He was invited for a session on ‘Perspectives‘, an interaction session in the Townhall format. Except that it was, in spurts, a monologue and briefly a dialogue and Q&A, punctuated by some dramatic walks across the stage (to show a more approachable-in-the-Clinton-esque-way side?) as he touched upon everything from social justice to development and secularism. It was on a topic of concern and interest to many (most probably when he was discussing agricultural reforms) that he let slip the smile. A fleeting moment. What it, however, showed was that this was a man who appears to be well-meaning and probably a genuine, sincere person at heart, but someone is arguably not quite equipped in various ways to commandeer India on the troubled waters it face on many fronts.  In this short article, I will look at what all was problematic in what he said, besides looking at the (few) positives in his speech.

The Brighter Side?

Mr. Gandhi is definitely trying. He is trying very hard to understand the nitty-gritties and nuances of administration and statecraft. He is trying quite hard to explore topics that he would need to if he ever happens to become the Prime Minister of India. I recently read an article that said that he is apparently on a massive drive to educate himself. Educate himself on issues relating to four major topics: agriculture, job creation, health and education. These four areas are said to be the chief thrust of the Congress manifesto and of the government if a Congress-led force is elected to power next year. The Congress president has apparently held in-depth discussions with subject experts and stakeholders over the past six months and many more are lined up.

Commendable!

In his speech at LSE, he mentioned the need to create jobs and support farmers in the best manner possible. He also sought a society where dissent is allowed and discussions are free-flowing. Not to forget, he mentioned the need for decentralization of power.

All commendable again!

Except that his was a monologue in reaction. A reactive commentary on what was not right and what needs to be changed, which is important in its own right. And possibly that could suffice as the only content of your speech, if not for the ardent desire of some leaders to see Mr. Gandhi lead the country. Except if you were not asked to frame the policies and programs for the people of the country. Then one needs to be proactive and not reactive all the time. So let us see some of the traces of proactive ideas that he mentioned.

He did mention about the need to allow the farmers to decide for themselves what they feel would help them best. When asked about the Swaminathan Report, which is a seminal report on changes in the agriculture sector, he repeated this idea. Allowing farmers to decide for themselves is important for a participatory democracy and no one denies that. But there are certain problems when one makes that the primary driver of policy. As much as farmers can know the ground realities and local issues that they face, there are structural reforms and technological inputs that sometimes need to be tackled in a larger way. Possibly even top down in cases. And that is not necessarily a bad thing if the result of the same is beneficial to the farmers. Yes, GM crops did not succeed in Maharashtra. Yes, a fair few structural reforms have not yielded optimal results in recent times. But then again many points raised during the Green Revolution were top-down and not bottoms-up. They were a strategist’s overhaul of the way in which agriculture was carried out and the manner in which it was supported. Rahul Gandhi went on to discuss how imports were a convenient way to sideline fundamental systemic reforms required within agriculture that the Modi government has been evading this way.

Not quite!

I would like to bring the readers attention to the recent ‘Agriculture Exports’ policy of the current NDA government. Addressing the nation from the ramparts of the Red Fort on the occasion of India’s 72nd Independence Day, Modi spelt out pro-farm measures taken during four years of his government, the cornerstone being the bold move to fix the minimum support price (MSP) of crops at least 1.5 times of the cost of production. The government recently announced the minimum support price of kharif (summer-sown) crops and hiked the Minimum Support Price (MSP) for paddy by a record Rs. 200 per quintal. The MSPs of other kharif crops were also raised sharply to help fulfill its poll promise to give farmers 50% more rate than their cost of production. Signs are encouraging. There are new avenues that farmers are engaging in, like blue revolution and bee-keeping. Solar farming is also on the rise. India is currently the second largest fish producer in the world and is poised to soon occupy the top position! Not to forget, agricultural exports are also at their highest in three years with commodities worth $38.74 billion exported in the first quarter of this fiscal year. He also mentioned that India faces a full-blown job crisis but very little on how he wanted to solve it. I have heard (and read) recently that he seeks to promote small-scale businesses and firms. But a substantial road-map still remains to be seen. He also touched upon healthcare without saying much on what needs be done, according to him. One can only hope that he does not try to link MRI machines across the country, as he once famously wanted to!

Partition, Dynastic Politics And 2019

Not many Congress chiefs had it in them to admit that partition was a mistake. Rahul Gandhi did so at the LSE event! I have always felt so as well since before 1947, every village and every city in India had Hindus and Muslims living together in harmony. Before the Raj started using communal tension as a tool for their divide-and-rule policy, there was a certain Hindustani culture that borrowed elements (such as cultural, linguistic and political) from various people including Hindus and Muslims. However, since there is no point of pondering over that now, this simple act of admission of a mistake that was done under a Congress government was interesting and quite mature of Rahul Gandhi.

The very first question that the fairly Left-leaning Dr. Mukulika Banerjee, who was conducting the conversation, posed was regarding what made Rahul Gandhi eligible and good for the post of the president of the Indian National Congress, besides his family. He began discussing his familiarity with violence. Violence meted out to his family members, including the assassinations of his grandmother and father. As much as that is unfortunate, I personally believe that it does not make him eligible to be propped up the way he has been in a farcical display of internal democracy in the Indian National Congress (where he was ‘elected’ president unopposed). I feel the reason a Gandhi has to be president of the party for the party to survive is due to the various local satraps and leaders who would never stay together, given their egos and personal ambitions, unless brought together by the historically powerful Gandhi family. That is the reality of the matter and I would not mince words to state this. However, the ironic bit is that the element that may keep the party together very well may lead to doom for the party as well, if electoral performances are to be seen. A student from Hoshangabad in Madhya Pradesh once famously approached the Guinness Book of World Records to include Rahul Gandhi’s name for losing a record 27 elections!

The question remains that even though Congress-led governments have taken certain very good initiatives (such as MNREGA and RTI), why is that people do not want to repose faith in them? Is it because of the feeling that they have not done enough in the decades of rule that they had? Or is it just because of the flurry of scams that the last Congress-led government had? I would say it is a bigger problem, as I was discussing with a friend of mine – Tanweer. It is a problem that liberals and the Left faces worldwide. The problem of the lack of myth to mobilize people around. Human beings have historically mobilized brilliantly around myths and myth-making. Nationalism is a human construct and myth that immediately evokes a strong sense of belonging-ness, and the Right taps into this to gain support of people. The Congress at one point had the Indian independence struggle as what drove people enmasse into its folds. But after independence, the lack of ideas, direction and myths is a serious problem that the Congress has been facing in varying degrees over the years ever since Indira Gandhi was at the helm of matters.

A party that is very good at organization and mobilizing people has been the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP), the ruling party of India. Rahul Gandhi touched upon the RSS-BJP combine, saying that in the 2019 General Elections, it shall be BJP on one side and the entire Opposition on the other. Given the state performances in recent times and the presence of allies in the NDA fold, this may not necessarily be a cause of alarm among BJP circles. What was, however, more interesting was the way in which Rahul Gandhi mentioned that the Congress and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) are ideas; ideas that encapsulate older ideas that have been in conflict for ages; a conflict between the idea of centralization of power and knowledge (as, he purported, the RSS and BJP were prone to do) and the decentralization of power and knowledge (that he said the Congress stood for). This grand statement needs to be taken with a pinch of salt. The Congress fold has never been this rosy with internal democracy having been broken as much by Mahatma Gandhi (during Netaji’s ouster and the making of Nehru as India’s first Prime Minister even though the state units of the Congress wanted Sardar Patel to have the position) as by Indira Gandhi (who broke away from the original Congress party when she faced dissent).

Power has been concentrated in the Nehru-Gandhi family for over four decades now. On the other hand, problematic as some of BJP’s positions are, it has one of the most well-oiled organizations on the ground. The level of internal democracy is a tad bit more arguably, although even within the BJP there are issues such as the interference of the Sangh at times, which has been both good (when leaders  in the BJP became too haughty or obstinate on policy matters that may not have been productive) and bad (in being the big-brother-figure who appointed people within the BJP sans elections for those positions) at various points.  2019 seems to be heading Modi’s way, albeit with a possible lowering of seats at least in states like Uttar Pradesh, and sources within the party mention that this is understood within the party as well. What can be a face-saver for the Congress is an alliance of federal state-level parties that have flourished.

Decentralization, Federalism and Legislators

Rahul Gandhi repeatedly highlighted the importance of decentralization and federalism. Following on from the discussion above, this seems to be the only way in which the BJP may be countered. However, bitter memories of alliances in the mid 1990s could ring alarm bells in certain circles. The country faced a period of instability and political volatility. Only time will tell what shall happen in the 2019 elections. Saying that BJP is either oblivious or deliberately evasive on the topic of ‘federalism’ will be a gross misrepresentation of facts. In fact, Modi has been quite a proponent of federalism himself, having emerged as a state leader first. His recent overhaul of the Planning Commission to institute the NITI Aayog is a step that reinforces this idea. All the Chief Ministers of the states are part of this initiative, and in fact this dedication to decentralization is often said to be the Achilles Heel of this initiative since the elaborate discussions and dialogue on various topics can be slow and a tad bit inefficient at times.

Today, even though the Congress has strong state leaders in some states of India (and, in fact, survives because of them), they have lost the organization strength and capability to either learn about the people’s concerns or communicate their ideas and policies effectively to the masses. There was a time when the Sewa Dal was the cadre-based wing of the Congress that had an eerily-similar uniform as the RSS but today it has no presence and relevance. Even on the question raised on organization, there was no mention of the Sewa Dal by the Congress president! Rahul Gandhi spoke of empowering the youth and having more smart people in the party, in particular, and politics, in general, but as someone who just about belongs to that section of society, I do not find the signs within the Congress encouraging. The apparent need to align with the Nehru-Gandhi family to succeed in the party is problematic. India no longer has a monarchy and yet has a new-age monarchy in this dynastic rule, of sorts, that continues. Today leaders like Jyotiraditya Scindia, Sachin Pilot and Jitin Prasad may be as good as Rahul Gandhi, if not better in certain ways, but they do not seem to have a chance to ever reach the top within the party, even on merit. That is the most problematic part of the Congress and an element that makes the party archaic in its projection.

Rahul Gandhi also touched upon the idea of legislators and the need for empowering them. He said that the Members of Parliament (MPs) are not given as much powers as they should have and the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) is running the show. Faux pas! The constitution has checks and balances for this to never be the case and I personally feel that Rahul Gandhi got confused between the legislature and the executive. Some people do purport that the executive is being run by the PMO but that allegation has never been put on the legislature, probably and simply because it is not possible. Not only will there be a massive uproar in the parliament but the government can be brought to court if this were the case. It was surprising that no one raised an objection on that (I could not since the coordinators had a certain tendency of selecting LSE students for Q&A, haha; sanitised much?). He definitely needs to get a course on the wings of the government! The problem with the level and quality of debate in the parliament is as much due to the disturbances created within as much as it is due to the purported lack of powers in the MPs.

In Conclusion

As much as I appreciate the manner in which Rahul Gandhi raised red flags (no pun intended) on problems with the Right to Information (RTI) Act under the BJP government and a general concern with the state of affairs in the country, I simply failed to get a coherent action plan that he and his party will pursue to lead the country to the grandiose ideas of inclusive development that they seek. Forget about questions of decolonisation, proportional representation and the Bangladeshi refugee problem (all of which I wanted to ask but could not due to the manner in which the Q&A was held), Rahul Gandhi was unable to tell me what India under Rahul Gandhi will do on the job front, on the issue of accessible healthcare for all, on the question of education for all and the proper enforcement of RTI (which remains a problem). Rahul Gandhi may be proud that Indian MPs in the UK parliament are involved in making laws in a parliament that once made the laws for the functioning of India, but there is a lot there needs to be done to also present a coherent foreign policy by the Congress. Not to forget, the reason the answer to the question raised on when the next women prime minister will be seen in India is probably not soon is because of the encumbering dynastic politics of the Congress, as it stands.

Surely, there remains a lot behind the enigmatic Mona Lisa smile of Rahul Vinci. What remains to be seen is how much substance there is in the enigma that he remains.

The post I Heard Rahul Gandhi Speak At LSE; Is He Ready To Lead India? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

The share of women in the workforce has been steadily declining for more than a decade now in India. It is a curious thing to happen since the number of girls receiving education, even post-secondary and postgraduate education has been on the rise. Even so, the World Bank ranks India 120th out of 131 countries ranked for female participation in the workforce. The percentage of women in the workforce has reduced from 36% in 2005-06 to 24% in 2015-16. Simply said, there were more women in the workforce a decade ago than there are now. So what is the reason behind this strange occurrence?

The reducing rates of women in the workforce are a result of a variety of factors. In a country where unemployment is climbing at alarming levels, there are far fewer opportunities for women than there are for men. Sectors such as agriculture, that traditionally employed women have been on the decline. On the other hand; manufacturing, service and IT sectors are not generating as many jobs as are required. At the same time, there have been cuts in hiring numbers due to automation and the little hiring that is taking place is biased in favour of men. In such a situation, where the job growth is non-existent, it seems as though unemployment is affecting women more than it is affecting men.

However, rising unemployment alone cannot be blamed entirely for the reducing numbers of working women. The issue is quite complex. The problem in India is that the majority of Indians view child-rearing and household chores to be the sole responsibility of women. In such a scenario, there is tremendous pressure on women to give up on their careers and devote their time to nurturing children, looking after ageing parents and the household in general. The common point of view is that if the husband is earning enough to sustain the family, then why is there a need for the woman to work? That is to say, a woman’s career isn’t given as much importance as a man’s career.

This problem has intensified in the past decade. Since the average income of the middle-class has been on the rise, the necessity of the woman to go out and earn a living has reduced. The trend seems to point out the fact that women opt for employment only when absolutely necessary. The same is, however, not true when it comes to women belonging to the lower classes. Here, they have no option but to work. And hence, the majority of the workforce is made up of women belonging to the lower class. These women work as domestic workers, labourers on construction sites, clean up crew (hired by municipalities and building societies to collect waste and to work as sweepers). In other words, most of these women end up working in the informal sector. This also means that these are the women for whom most of the benefits (that women working in the private sector can avail) remain out of reach.

In such a scenario, our leaders have introduced bills in the parliament that could help to keep women from leaving the workforce. The Maternity Benefits Act allows women to take six months of paid maternity leave upon the birth of their child. The Act in itself is very progressive and it helps shape the working culture to suit women. However, it made no provisions for paternity leave and places the burden of bearing the cost entirely on the employer. Such legislature could easily backfire and put the jobs of lakhs of women in jeopardy since employers can start viewing hiring women as cost prohibitive. Mandating paid paternity leaves thus becomes necessary to balance the hiring scales.

Keeping this in mind, Rajeev Satav, MP from Maharashtra, has introduced a Private Member’s Paternity Benefits Bill in the Parliament last year. (For those amongst us who are unaware of the concept, a private member’s bill is a bill that is introduced by a member of the Parliament who is not a Minister). “In the History of Indian Parliament, only 14 Private Members Bills have become a reality. The intent of bringing a Private Members Bill on Paternity Bill is to initiate a debate & mobilize support for providing a statutory backing to Paternity Leave in India. An example of using Private Members Bill to bring about reforms is the Bill on Transgender Rights that was passed by Rajya Sabha,” says Mr Pravir Srivastava, a close aide to parliamentarian Satav.

But the larger question is, are women leaving the workforce solely because of the unavailability of parental leaves? It must be understood that keeping women in the workforce is more complicated than just providing parental leaves. The working environment has been built to suit the needs of men alone. For women, holding on to a job presents a myriad of challenges. Poor working conditions, sexual harassment, unsafe streets, burden to look after the family, very few career opportunities, discrimination, poor quality of jobs, unavailability of part-time work, lack of access to property and finances, unavailability of jobs closer to home, gender pay gap, lower age of marriage, unavailability of crèches  are merely a few of them. More has to be done if we are serious about wanting women to join the workforce. And just introducing maternity and paternity leaves is not going to cut it. Besides, women’s problems are different based on which class they belong to, what kind of jobs they do and the sectors that employ them. A household maid who is probably earning less than a minimum amount required to survive in a city like Mumbai has no way of availing the benefits of the maternity or the paternity act. The only way the bills will make any real difference is when it will be possible for her to avail such benefits. And that is the challenge that the bill needs to answer – how will the benefits of the bills be transferred to the informal sector where most of the women are employed?

Clearly, a much more holistic approach needs to be adopted to solve such a complex issue. It is not entirely certain how far the bill would help keep the female workforce participation from tumbling further than it already has. The causes that lower women’s participation in the workforce and varied and solving this problem requires a comprehensive gender-specific approach. If India wants a higher workforce participation from women, it needs to do more than just pass bills assuring maternity and paternity bills. By failing to allow women access to the job market, India is losing out on an exceptional amount of talent that could be put to use. There is no denying the fact that India would be a richer country if her women were allowed to work. By not ensuring women’s participation, all the efforts and resources that India is putting in educating these very women are wasted.

That being said, passing the paternity benefits bill is definitely a step in the right direction. Having the father share equally in the child’s rearing responsibilities would go a long way in reducing the number of women who are compelled to leave the workforce to take care of a newborn child. It will also help reduce the discrimination that women face during the hiring processes. But getting the bill passed may not be easy. “The Bill has received a positive response from my fellow parliamentarians and people from different parts of the country. The tenure of the current Parliament will end in less than 9 months & therefore the chances of the bill being passed is low. But, the government should adopt this bill & introduce it in the house. It is important for the civil society & members of the ruling dispensation to wholeheartedly support this bill,” says Mr Srivastava.

It is indeed important that the civil society play its part and pressurize the government to pass this bill. Change is a tediously incremental process and this bill represents one tiny step that will help create a long sturdy ladder towards true emancipation and empowerment for the country’s women.

The post The Paternity Benefits Bill Needs To Be Passed To Keep Women From Leaving The Workforce appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

यूपी, बिहार, पंजाब, हरियाणा और दिल्ली की सरकारों ने रक्षाबंधन के अवसर पर महिलाओं के लिए बसों में फ्री यात्रा का इंतज़ाम किया है। शनिवार की रात बारह बजे से लेकर रविवार की रात बारह बजे तक।

अगर रविवार की रात किसी औरत को बारह से ज़्यादा बज गये तो? वही बस-कंडक्टर, वही यात्री, वही लोग दुश्मन हो जाएंगे? पूछने लगेंगे कि औरत रात को अकेली कहां घूम रही है? इन्हीं सरकारों के नेता बयान देने लगेंगे कि ये यूरोप नहीं है, हिंदुस्तान है तो यहां की संस्कृति के हिसाब से टाइम देखकर निकलना चाहिए था।

रक्षाबंधन पर उपहार ये होता कि यही सरकारें मुज़फ्फरपुर, देवरिया जैसी जगहों पर हुए बालिकाओं के शोषण की ज़िम्मेदारी लेतीं, अपनी गलती मानती और सुधारने का वादा करती। पर नहीं, ऐसा कोई उपहार इन सरकारों ने नहीं दिया है।

मध्य प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री ने तो राज्य की दो करोड़ महिलाओं को पत्र लिखा है। पोस्ट-ऑफिस में कार्यभार ज़्यादा होने की वजह से ये पत्र भेजे नहीं जा सके हैं। पत्र में वोट करने की अपील की गई है, अगली बार जीतने पर स्त्रियों को सुरक्षा प्रदान करने की बात की गई है। पिछले तीन बार से जब जीत रहे थे, तब सुरक्षा प्रदान करने में क्या दिक्कत थी? यहां से भी तो बालक-बालिकाओं के शोषण की खबरें आ रही हैं।
और ऐसा क्या जादू हो जाएगा कि इस बार वोट करते ही सारी महिलाऐं सुरक्षित हो जाएंगी? बच्चियां पढ़ेंगी, खेलेंगी और नौकरियां करेंगी?

हर साल रक्षाबंधन पर सरकारें ऐसी ही बोगस घोषणाएं करती हैं। ऐसा लगता है जैसे UN हर साल सीरिया, इराक या ऐसी ही किसी बर्बाद हुई जगह से किसी को उठा के कोई पुरस्कार दे रहा हो। और पुरस्कार के अगले दिन फिर बमबारी।

भाई साहब, आप किराये के पूरे पैसे लो, सौ डेढ़ सौ से इन महिलाओं पर कुछ फर्क नहीं पड़ेगा। ये एक घर में बर्तन ज़्यादा मांज लेंगी और एक भैंस-गाय और पाल लेंगी पर रक्षाबंधन के दिन जिस सुरक्षा का अहसास दिला रहे हो, वो पूरे साल क्यों नहीं हो सकता? दिल्ली की सरकार का तो मान सकते हैं कि मेधावी परंतु निर्धन हैं ये लोग, पुलिस हाथ में नहीं है, लेकिन बस तो हाथ में है? कल के ही दिन बसों में छेड़खानी होगी, कम से कम उसी की जिम्मेदारी ले लो।

अगर वाकई में महिलाओं की इतनी ही चिंता है तो रक्षाबंधन के दिन कोई बलात्कार, कोई छेड़खानी नहीं होनी चाहिए। अगर कहीं पर भी ऐसी खबर आती है, तो इन सरकारों का सिर लज्जा से झुक जाना चाहिए। अगर कल के दिन भी सरकारें बलात्कार या छेड़खानी रोक लें, तो ये माना जा सकता है कि सरकारें गंभीर हैं।

परंतु सरकार बहादुर, ऐसा क्या है कि जैसे-जैसे आपके कानून बनते जा रहे हैं, लोग औरतों के लिए हैवान होते जा रहे हैं? इस स्थिति की स्टडी क्यों नहीं करवाते आप? रिसर्च की फंडिंग कम करने की क्या जल्दी है आपको? समस्या का समाधान तब निकलेगा जब पता चलेगा की समस्या है क्या और कहां है?

मनोचिकित्सालय क्यों नहीं खुलवाते हर जगह, जहां सामान्य मानवी के मस्तिष्क की जांच हो सके। जहां पता चल सके कि औरतों को लेकर कितने लोग सनकी हैं। आधार से सारी डिटेल ले रहे हो, लेकिन दागी लोगों के दिमाग की डिटेल नहीं। मार्क कर लेते उनको ताकि पुलिस सजग रहकर उनको अपराध करने से रोक सके।

बार-बार आपकी घोषणाओं में यही आता है कि दोषियों को बख्शा नहीं जाएगा। आप ये क्यों नहीं समझ पाते कि औरतों को लेकर जो आपका रवैया है, उसी से ये दोषी उत्पन्न होते हैं। आप ने ही पाठ्यक्रम में औरतों को इंसान नहीं रहने दिया है। बचपन से ही ये लोग औरतों को इंसान ना समझने की गलती करते आ रहे हैं। अगर आप बाल्यकाल में ही ये चीज समझा दें तो कोई दोषी बनेगा ही नहीं।

अगर भारत की महिलाओं को उपहार ही देना है तो उन्हें रोडवेज़ बसों में होती छेड़खानियों से बचने का उपहार दें। जिनकी वजह से लड़कियां कॉलेज छोड़कर घर के चूल्हे चौके में लग जाती हैं। अगर यही हाल रहा तो मोदी जी ने लाल किले के भाषण में जो कहा था कि भारत का “पुरुषार्थ” ही मंगलयान अंतरिक्ष में ले जाएगा, सच होगी, उस “पुरुषार्थ” में लड़कियां शामिल नहीं होंगी।

उपहार दें कि समूचे भारत के बालिका गृहों की जांच होगी, समाज के पीड़ित तबके से आई सब बच्चियों के पढ़ाने की जिम्मेदारी लें। उन्हें वो समाज मुहैया कराएं जिसमें वो सांस ले सकें।

वैसे तो ये उपहार नहीं महिलाओं अधिकारों की बात है। और अधिकार कभी उपहार में नहीं लिए जाते वो हमें पैदा होते ही मिल जाते हैं। लेकिन फिर भी अगर आप उपहार देने को व्याकुल हैं तो हमें अच्छा और सभ्य समाज दें। ये एक दिन बोगस बस में फ्री की यात्रा नहीं।

The post रक्षाबंधन: सरकारें हमें हमारे अधिकार दें, एक दिन की बोगस फ्री की यात्राएं नहीं! appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

“Thank you for this unscripted Mann Ki Baat!”, a delighted person in the audience shouted with a great amount of fervour. This final intervention may well have been the cry of an ardent supporter, but there was nothing principally wrong in whatever he expressed. Rahul Gandhi, the Congress President and a possible contender for the coveted office of the Prime Minister of India in the future, has been on a spree of visits to foreign destinations where he has been interacting with different sections of the society. His visit to the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) thus, generated a considerable amount of buzz. For, despite being in politics since 2004, there is very little that Indians know about Rahul Gandhi compared to many other politicians. As he was neither a minister in the successive United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments nor was he put forth as a face of the party in the 2014 General Elections, public perception of Rahul has been quite discouraging to say the least. What added to his troubles was the emergence of Narendra Modi as an accomplished orator. Furthermore, his sustained ‘disappearance’ from the political arena for almost two crucial months in 2015 set the rumour mills abuzz. It is this mystery and intrigue about Rahul’s persona which the Congress has been trying to use to its advantage in the last few months.

Organised by LSE South Asia Centre and the National Indian Students and Alumni Union (NISAU), ‘In Conversation with Rahul Gandhi’ was touted as the inaugural event of the India Townhall series. After the formal round of welcome by the organizers, Rahul initiated the dialogue by apologising for the delay in his arrival. He emphasised on the idea that while we could disagree with someone, hatred is not a prerequisite. Moreover, he urged people to look at things from the perspective of others as it can be very valuable. According to him, India’s strength lies in non-violent ideas and thus, the country has a huge role to play in the global context. At this juncture, Dr Mukulika Banerjee, the Director of LSE South Asia Centre commenced her role as the interviewer. There were ten questions in total focusing on a range of issues including what he brings to the table apart from his family name, views on secularism, social justice and economic situation, implementation of Swaminathan report, SWOT analysis of the party, 1984 and so forth.

On his contribution, he stated that he had seen violence in life and thus, knew the importance of reaching out and listening to people. Acknowledging that he had to borne the brunt of massive attacks, he maintained that fifteen years in politics is serious experience. He strongly asserted that he loves India and stands for the weaker sections of the society. On social justice, he emphasised that people should not be divided, but it is important that the shackles of caste are broken, there is increased participation of women and that the voice of the people guides the functioning of institutions. Regarding economics, Rahul primarily concentrated only on agriculture. Emphasising that even the average farmer can take on agriculture policy experts, he lambasted the government for its inability to produce jobs and instead, harping on divisive issues. Advocating focus on small and medium scale, low cost housing, infrastructure as the solution, he implored upon the government to acknowledge the problem in the first place. Government should act as an enabler as per his hypothesis. With reference to the implementation of the Swaminathan Report, he admonished the Government for the lack of intent in improving lives of farmers and promised to deliver on this front. While he hit the right notes on all these points, there were some inherent contradictions. For instance, a Congress Spokesperson’s categorical assertion during the recent Gujarat Assembly Elections campaign about Rahul’s higher caste status, lack of representation of women in important committees of his party and the failure of UPA to effectively act on the recommendations of the Swaminathan Report are realities that cannot be washed away.

It was interesting that he did not respond initially to the question on his views about secularism and it had to be reiterated again. The answer was a bit ambiguous as well, only stating that no person should be rendered voiceless. By not directly bringing in either Hinduism or Islam, it was possibly a bid to not give any opportunity to the BJP for criticism. According to Rahul, the next election was a direct fight between BJP on one side and the entire opposition on the other. The latter was fighting against the attack on Indian institutions and inclusive idea of India, reflected by incidents like the press conference of the Supreme Court judges and sacking of journalists. Responding to a query on the SWOT analysis of the Congress party, he made some key observations. The strength of the Congress was its decentralised structure and the embedded idea of non-violence as against top-to-bottom hierarchy of the RSS, while the weakness lay in the fact that the party was not able to communicate that idea properly. As the Congress had closed itself over a period, it has the opportunity of bringing in millions of Indians and delivering a robust organization. Also, he had no hesitation in admitting that arrogance was the biggest threat to the party. Confessing that the internal fights between the old and the new guard cost them in the 2014 General Elections, he reiterated the need to involve more young people in the organization.

Now, it was the time for the infamous 1984 question. Earlier in the day, he had stoked a controversy by denying the role of his party in the anti-Sikh riots. However, he had a slightly different take in this event. Stating that Dr Manmohan Singh had spoken for the entire Congress, he condemned it and supported punishment for the perpetrators. Reverting to his understanding of violence, he revealed that he even felt sorry for the humiliation of Prabhakaran, his father’s killer. Thereafter, he maintained that there was no question of Congress being a party to any communal incident under his tenure as Congress President. Thus, he once again invoked his personal tragedy and cleverly sidestepped the justice denied to the victims for so many decades. The last question by Dr Banerjee pertained to the criteria for the Prime Minister’s job in the opposition coalition. As per Rahul, the priority of the opposition was to defeat the BJP and other deliberations would commence only post elections. Also, he added that Congress would form an alliance only with those parties ideologically opposed to the BJP. Hence, this implies that the Congress is open for a wider discussion on the PM’s name and ready to compromise. These comments can also be a rebuff to a party like Shiv Sena, that currently opposes BJP but is very close to their ideological position on many issues.

Subsequently, the floor was opened for questions from the audience. First, he was asked about his excessive focus on agriculture to which he replied that it is linked to other sectors of the economy and thus, nothing can be viewed in isolation. A question hovering around dynasty and politics in India was met with a short response highlighting that political affiliation does help, but that he was a three-time elected member of parliament with people reposing faith in him. Regarding parliament, he openly spoke about how rudderless the House had become with law making powers concentrated only in the hands of the PM and the ministers and promised to empower the MPs. While most of the audience appreciated this in unison, Rahul not only did not elaborate on the proposed changes but was conveniently silent on his own poor record in Parliament also- ranging from his attendance to lack of participation in the legislation process. Afterwards, he candidly admitted that he was occasionally wrong in his judgement and that the Congress is always ready to support the Government on legislations like GST and the Women’s Reservation Bill. Briefly addressing corruption, he reinforced belief in Right to Information, Lokpal and decentralization as tools to tackle this menace. Next, the Rafale deal was criticised and linked to corruption. Lastly, a student questioned about the possibility of a female PM to which he responded that while he was not a clairvoyant, he assured that more women leaders would be inducted at every level of the organization.

The session came to an end due to paucity of time. It is a pity that many questions remained unanswered. For instance, I had a very pertinent question about the decision of the Punjab government (ruled by the Congress) to amend the provisions of the Indian Penal Code paving way for a stringent Blasphemy law, that has no place in modern India. His answer would have effectively reflected whether he and his party really stand for the principles that he espoused in his talk. Most of the questions allowed him a certain degree of leeway to talk in general terms rather than specifics. However, there are key aspects that were clearly visible. While elementary vetting of attendee names must have taken place, there was not any complaint of anyone being denied a ticket. Furthermore, one had the liberty to ask any question without any pre-screening. Hence while the recent big-ticket events of Modi have been criticised for failing on these grounds, Rahul’s team certainly scored a point.

In terms of the political ramifications, this seems to be one of the many such endeavours in the run up to the next General Elections. Every effort is being made to project Rahul as the victim who has endured personal attacks with a smile, someone who makes mistakes but is willing to learn, a person who expresses himself on most issues of critical importance and is firmly against hate politics. This is in stark contrast to the attitude of the Modi government which often relies on aggression as the best form of defence and is perceived to be ignorant to some of the grievances of the people. While the BJP is still poised to be the single largest party in 2019, underestimating Rahul and the Congress can prove to be a costly mistake as the latter have signalled the intent of forming the government stitching a formidable coalition. On their part, the Congress has a tough challenge in tackling the personal charisma of Modi, which is still intact. Thus, whether the re-branded image of Rahul can convince the voters will be fascinating to watch out for in the upcoming elections.

The post Re-branding Rahul: My Takeaway From The Congress President’s Townhall Event At LSE appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

(Disclaimer: This review is bound to contain spoilers, but not in a way that matters when it comes to the overall viewing experience, should the reader decide to watch this film.)

“You Were Never Really Here” contains within itself one of the rarest qualities of art, a quality that unites art and death—it has the power to liberate. Walking out of the theatre, I couldn’t help noticing the people outside; they were doing normal human things and being normal human beings, but I felt out of place. That is the power of cinema. It has the power to elevate you above the human experience. I felt this huge rift opening up between the people at the mall and myself. For the last 90 minutes, I’d been exposed to sensations that can only be described as sacred. The film had taken hold over my senses and put me in a helpless haze, which might not have entirely worn off as I write this. No matter where I go or what I do in life, I’ll carry a part of the film with me. When I came out, it felt like I’d been part of something far greater than these people or me—something that had liberated me from this body and this weight of being. Instead, I existed in this separate world inside my mind, part-real, part-imagined, a world way better, way more hopeful than where I was.

I hardly remember being so childishly excited about a film that didn’t have “Star Wars” in its title. It began with me shouting at the top of my voice when the name of the director appeared right in the middle of the trailer. This was followed by months and months of restlessness and anxiety. It culminated with yours truly running like a madman inside a mall, trying to get to the floor where all the cinemas are, speaking in a tone so excited the person at the counter had to ask me to calm down and jumping with excitement towards the auditorium where the film was being screened.

By the time the ending credits rolled, all the childish excitement had withered away. People were leaving the theatre, some absolutely puzzled (“bizarre movie”, the elderly lady sitting next to me said as she got up from her seat), some blown away, some trying to figure it out amongst themselves, while I sat there like a madman, my eyes glued to the credits, laughter bellowing from somewhere inside me. I didn’t know why I was laughing, nor could I stop, because it was the only way I could’ve expressed myself. There was no point in staying. It was just the credits rolling in the diner where the last scene takes place, and all that was on the screen was the sound of human activity off-screen, but I couldn’t take my eyes away from the screen. There was no earthly reason to hang around. Looking back at it, I think I was laughing because that is the moment where the brilliance of the film had decided to reveal itself. I kept laughing as I exited the theatre. Frame by frame, in the last 90 minutes, “You Were Never Really Here” had blown apart my mind. I had been taken on a ride, and I knew I was not walking out of that theatre the same person who had gone in and jumped in the air in childish excitement. This is what a religious experience must feel like.

“But the beauty of it is this: there is no need to disentangle anything. If one ceases to make the effort, one soon finds that this strange rigmarole holds one’s attention on its own merits.” –Richard Hughes, Introduction to William Faulkner’s “The Sound and the Fury”

The elderly lady and the people exiting the theatre, trying to pick the film apart, seemed to be bound by the shackles of our civilization—the kind which teaches you to ruthlessly and ceaselessly apply rational methods of enquiry. Since childhood, many of us are taught in schools about art as something you can get your head around. You just need to understand what the poet wants to say, and you reproduce that on a sheet of paper, and you’re done. It was what I saw in those people. They were wasting their time trying to understand what the film was all about. Their egos were stepping in for them. It’s a very human thing. Our seemingly insatiable egos blind us when it comes to any form of art that eludes. Letting go of that is not easy. Art is meant to be felt and not understood. Once one lets go of all attempts to understand and lets the film flow through them, it becomes easy. Sitting there, watching those people with whom I’d shared something special, I saw that the childish excitement of watching a much-awaited film had withered away and it was replaced by this understanding of what it is to be human—this understanding of how, despite overwhelming odds, life always finds a way. That’s what the film comes down to. It’s the journey of a man trying to realise what it is to be human. I think its art’s greatest achievement—only the best of art can make you feel so many things at a time, and with such intensity. Making the beholder feel lots of things at the same time with such staggering force is why people bother creating art in the first place. It really gives you hope—in this world of reboots and franchises, there exist people who are willing to go above and beyond and trying to make you feel something instead of using films as mere vehicles to earn money.

When we meet him, Joe—played by Joaquin Phoenix in the performance of a lifetime—is in the dark. He’s dead behind the eyes. He is the kind of person who laughs with pleasure from the pain of taking a person’s tooth out. His choice of weapon is the hammer, and he’s merciless when it comes to a fight. He operates without a code. His conscience is a bare thread and sometimes not even enough to hold him together. (“They said you were brutal,” the Senator asks him, to which he replies nonchalantly, “I can be”) The only time he looks or seems like a human is when he is taking care of his frail old mother.

In other words, he’s a bastard.

Although that is not all, there is to it. He has suffered such heavy damage in childhood that he has stopped looking at himself as a whole; he’s numbed the sensations in his head in order to save himself, and he can get through the day only if he can stick to a routine. He has turned out the way he is not because of choice; but because of the damage that he suffered, something that cannot be undone.

Lynne Ramsay, who also wrote the film, basing it upon a novella by Jonathan Ames, weaves the characters so brilliantly that everything percolates to the littlest movements of the character. Joe’s bastardisation is obvious even when he’s looking at himself in the mirror. It’s obvious in the way he looks into the distance, his head resting on the window in the subway. It’s obvious in the way he fights. Joaquin Phoenix, it seems, has become the bastard. He eats up everything that’s given to him in a performance that will not leave the audiences’ minds for a long time. He anchors the poetry flowing through the script and the frame and makes his body a medium where it meets reality. Making a film means stepping outside your individual loneliness and becoming a part of something greater. Every second of the frame carries that energy. It’s the coming together of a lot of souls, all of them stepping outside their own individual lives and becoming something and someone greater than themselves. This is what sets a film apart from everything that has come before or will come afterwards.

This is what makes a film and everyone involved with it immortal.

Joe’s bastardisation is reflected even in his choice of work. He is an ex-FBI agent and now works as a gun for hire. He works for the money, and he’s not concerned with the well-being of the person who stands in front of him and his mission or the consequences of the damage inflicted. He mostly takes jobs for people who are supposed to be on the brighter side of things. He’s in the dark, but he’s trying to hold on to life. But just this once, he runs afoul of people who actively give a damn about their business. They may be criminals, but they care about whatever they do. In a way, they are diametrically opposite to him. They’re not detached. We barely see the villains of the film, because, in a way, they exist inside the head of the protagonist. They actively change him. To anyone who has even the slightest interest in telling a story, take notes: this is how you write a minor character. Although it’s not obvious, every character in the film, no matter how much screen time they receive, has a point.  The minor characters only add momentum to the plot. Everything and everyone happens for a reason. Under the garb of a crime thriller which deals with the corruption and vile abuse of power inherent in the democratic system of government, this film takes us into the head of the protagonist, and through external means, takes us through his character arc. It’s poetry. It’s lyrical, it’s terse, and it holds the power to change anyone who comes across it. This is the mark of a great director, and Lynne Ramsay is at the top of her game in “You Were Never Really Here”.

And due to actions, some his own, some caused by the people around him, he loses everything. On another layer, this is also reflected in his mindset: he’s only partially responsible for the way he turned out. The damage is not entirely his own. He’s in the dark, and that is exactly where his demons thrive. He can’t fight them there because he’s not strong enough. He finds himself without a reason to live. Although all the descriptions you’ll read about the film will describe the plot of the film as the attempt of a man to rescue a girl from a sex racket gone horribly wrong—a plot that has found itself in a lot of movies throughout history, most importantly Martin Scorsese’s 1976 film “Taxi Driver”, it’s actually not about that. The plot is barely there, and while going through the film, I found a lot of the parts a bit boring at times, although the editing and the direction ensure that the interest of the audience is not lost even for a moment. The trailer is another misdirection here; it promises the audience a tough as nails revenge thriller, but that is not what the film is.

There is a pivotal scene in the film where he tries to end it all, but then something amazing happens.

For the first time in his life, he feels pain.

And in pain, life finds a way to him. The same pain that he derived pleasure from, the same pain that stood for his detachment from the world comes back to him. It comes to his ear and whispers “Not yet. There’s hope.” It’s this pain that helps him fight his demons. Pain becomes his light. It is in the last moments of his life that he becomes undone by all the damage that had happened to him in the past. He rids himself of all his anchors. He used to be afraid of being without anchors. It turns out when life doesn’t give you anchors, you have to make them yourself. He realises he has to live. And that’s where life begins. With the simple decision that you have to live, no matter what. I had saved these words for another scene in the film, but looking back at it, here’s where it all begins—this is where he realises that he’d been wrong about life all along. Damage can never be permanent. As long as there’s life, there’s hope. You may have made some mistakes and no matter what the cause, there’s still time to rectify them. Even though the people who were affected by that mistake are not there anymore, just consider that they forgave you if you could help another person out of their misery. It’s through action that we live. If someone caused you damage, and you cannot undo it, help someone else undo theirs. What happened in the past is an absolute, you cannot change it, but giving the gift of life to someone else is the closest you can do to undoing the damage the past has caused you. From here on, the film becomes about the coming together of two damaged souls, trying to heal each other of all the damage they’ve sustained in their lives. It’s Bresson’s Pickpocket for the post-modern world. Posing as a dark crime drama, by the end it instead becomes a poem on the only two absolutes in a world without absolutes: life and death. It’s as simple as that. It’s as complicated as that. It’s life. And as long as there’s life, there’s hope. And soon, it starts to show. He starts feeling. There’s a scene where he starts bawling his eyes out for what seems like no apparent reason, and that’s where you realise it’s the first time he has exhibited emotion throughout his arc. There are chinks in his armour. Everything falls apart. But where he expected agony and anarchy, he finds life. The demons he tried to fight have saved him. It is in this moment that he becomes undone from the damage that had occurred in the past. It seems like after roaming for years and years, he has found the Promised Land. A land of peace. A land of hope. A land where he can find the will to go on living.

The poetry of life shows until the last frames of the film, where it’s just the sound of people talking off-screen, while the credits roll. This is where you find the meaning of the film. I tried and failed to pick apart the film inside my head for the whole duration of the film, but it was only during the credits, set to Jonny Greenwood’s brilliant, brilliant score that I had a flash where I realised that I knew something about what this film wanted to talk about. This film is about all those boring moments in the middle, moments that I didn’t think added to the narrative; this film is about where words go when they are being translated from one tongue to another.

The technical details of a film are often discussed throughout the review: this film here stands as an exception. Because of how much the writer of this review wanted to talk about what the film talked about, he couldn’t bother with the technical detail, although they are in a class of their own. So, for the technical detail, let’s first talk about the music. Written masterfully by Radiohead’s Jonny Greenwood, the music of the film brilliantly captures the inherent sadness that fills up the world of the film while at the same time ratcheting up the tension in the action scenes. The camerawork, headed by Tom Townend, a long time friend and collaborator of the director, is as visceral and as poetic as the film requires it to be. Tom Townend is also credited as a script editor, even though he revealed to an interview with Seventh Row Magazine that he didn’t specifically want to be credited for that. Such a complete and a visceral experience requires a lot of freedom and intimate collaboration between the minds involved, and it shows.

I don’t know whether this is an existential film or not, as Wim Wenders’ “Wings of Desire” is considered, or whether or not the comparisons to the 1986 film “Mona Lisa” are justified or not, but all I can speak of is the absolute: “You Were Never Really Here” is one of the best, most poetic life-affirming films in recent memory. It is through the experience of an extreme that the best kind of fiction operates, and to provide a verdict and drive this review into a sunset, “You Were Never Really Here” is one of the best pieces of fiction that our civilisation has produced. Writing this tears me apart, because when you come across something sacred, the immediate reaction is to hide it from the rest of the world. It’s a very human thing. We’re jealous and insecure, tand we tend to be overprotective about the things we love. People always tend to ruin the things one loves. I’m afraid that the reader will not be able to identify with the feelings that the film cultivated in me. Against it is another impulse; one that compels me to tell the world about this experience, because if “You Were Never Really Here” doesn’t make you feel the compulsion to take the nearest person, grab them by the collar and shout about how it made you feel, I don’t know what will.

The post Why ‘You Were Never Really Here’ Is One Of The Most Life-Affirming Films I’ve Ever Watched appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

झारखंड के दुमका के करन कुमार मंडल चिकित्सा से जुड़े अपनी दास्तानों को बयान करते हुए काफी भावुक हो जाते हैं। वे कहते हैं “गांव में कोई ज़िन्दगी नहीं है। देर रात यदि हमारे घर पर किसी को कुछ हो जाए तब सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र जाते-जाते मरीज़ की जान बच पाएगी या नहीं ये कहा नहीं जा सकता।

झारखंड की बात करें तो पूरे राज्य और खासकर ग्रामीण झारखंड में स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं की उपलब्धता लोगों के लिए एक बड़ी समस्या है। अगर किसी तरह वक्त-बेवक्त इमरजेंसी के दौरान मरीज़ को लेकर अस्पताल पहुंच भी जाएं तो वहां डॉक्टर होंगे या नहीं इसकी गारंटी कोई नहीं ले सकता।

डॉक्टरों की उपलब्धता है बड़ा सवाल-

हम लगभग दोपहर के 2 बजे जायज़ा लेने झारखंड के काठीकुंड के सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केंद्र पहुंचे लेकिन वहां हमें कोई भी डॉक्टर उस वक्त मौजूद नहीं मिले। लंबे इंतज़ार के बाद जब प्रभारी डॉक्टर हेमन्त मुर्मू आएं तो उन्होंने हमसे यह कहकर बात करने से मना कर दिया कि जबतक यहां पर और डॉक्टर्स की नियुक्ति नहीं की जाती तबतक इस मसले पर बात करना बेकार है।

इस दौरान हमने अस्पताल में डॉक्टर की राह देख रहे अपनी पत्नी का इलाज कराने आए सुरेन्द्र मुरैया से बात की। सुरेन्द्र बताते हैं कि उनकी पत्नी चम्पा देवी प्रसव के नौवें महीने में हैं, उन्हीं को दिखाने वे यहां आए हैं। वे कहते हैं कि उनके घर से स्वास्थ्य केंद्र की दूरी लगभग 6 किलोमीटर है और अपनी पत्नी को डॉक्टर से दिखाने के लिए उन्हें खेतीबाड़ी छोड़कर आना पड़ा है।

वो आगे कहते हैं “यदि समय पर गांव से नहीं निकलेंगे तो हमें सवारी भी नहीं मिलेगी और तब हमारे पास दो ही विकल्प होते हैं। हमें या तो पैदल आना पड़ता है या फिर साइकिल से हम अस्पताल पहुंचते हैं। आज हम यहां पैदल आए हैं और हमें निराश होकर घर जाना पड़ रहा है। क्योंकि मेरी पत्नी को किसी डॉक्टर ने नहीं बल्कि एएनएम ने देखा है। और हम उनकी चिकित्सा शैली से संतुष्ट नहीं हुए हैं।”

ये हाल किसी एक सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केंद्र का नहीं है बल्कि डॉक्टरों की कमी या उनका समय पर स्वास्थ्य केंद्रो पर ना आना या होकर अपनी मर्ज़ी से इलाज करना एक बड़ी समस्या का रूप लेते जा रहा है। अगर पूरे भारत की बात की जाए तो केंद्रीय स्वास्थ्य मंत्री जेपी नड्डा के द्वारा राज्यसभा में बताए गए आंकड़े काफी चिंताजनक हैं। उन्होंने कहा था कि देश भर में 14 लाख डॉक्टरों की कमी होने के बावजूद हर वर्ष केवल 5500 डॉक्टर्स ही तैयार हो पाते हैं।

अस्पताल में बेड मिलना मुश्किल

स्वास्थ्य विभाग के आंकड़ों की माने तो झारखंड के सरकारी अस्पतालों में कुल 10784 बेड हैं, यानी कि एक बेड पर 3368 की आबादी निर्भर है। वहीं एक सरकारी अस्पताल पर 65832 की आबादी निर्भर है। बता दें विश्व स्वास्थ्य संगठन के मुताबिक प्रति हज़ार की आबादी पर 1.5 बेड होना चाहिए जबकि झारखंड में सिर्फ बोकारो स्टील सिटी में ही डब्ल्यूएचओ मानक के अनुरूप औसत से अधिक बेड हैं। यहां प्रति हज़ार की आबादी पर 2.89 बेड हैं।

और इस कमी की झलक हमें झारखंड के गोपीकांदर सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र में साफ दिखी। नियमों के मुताबिक सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्रों में 30 बिस्तर की व्यवस्था होनी चाहिए, मगर यहां 2-3 बिस्तर ही दिखाई पड़े। कुछ बिस्तर खुले आसमान तले बारिश में भीग रहे थे और कर्मचारी खर्राटे ले रहे थें।

स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र की गाड़ी चलाने वाले ड्राइवर बसंत कुमार हमे बताते हैं कि यहां मरीज़ भर्ती तो स्टाफ की निगरानी में में होते हैं, लेकिन वे बगैर किसी को बताए ही यहां से निकल लेते हैं। इसका कारण उन्होंने यहां पर्याप्त सुविधाएं न होने को बताया।

मरीज़ों को प्राइवेट अस्पताल में कर दिया जाता है रेफर-

साल 2016 में स्वास्थ्य मंत्रालय की ओर से जारी की गई रिपोर्ट बताती है कि भारतीय सरकारी अस्पतालों की तुलना में प्राइवेट अस्पतालों पर लोग आठ गुना अधिक खर्च करते हैं। साल 2013-14 में लोगों ने सरकारी अस्पतालों पर 8193 और प्राइवेट अस्पतालों पर 64628 करोड़ रूपये खर्च किए।

ऐसा हर बार मरीज़ अपनी इच्छा के अनुसार करें ये ज़रूरी नहीं है। ऐसे मामले अक्सर सामने आते हैं जब मरीज़ों को जानबूझकर प्राइवेट नर्सिंग होम में रेफर कर दिया जाता है। उदाहरण के लिए-

झारखंड के जरमुंडी प्रखंड की बीटीटी पुतुल दत्ता के मुताबिक यहां सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र में कुछ स्टाफ और ए.एन.एम मिलकर मरीज़ को पहले तो एक-दो दिन अस्पताल में भर्ती रखते हैं और फिर सदर अस्पताल दुमका रेफर करने के बजाए किसी प्राइवेट नर्सिंग होम में रेफर कर देते हैं।

वो बताती हैं “वहां ए.एन.एम और अन्य स्टाफ की सेटिंग रहती है, जैसे ही मरीज़ को वहां एडमिट किया जाता है, वैसे ही जरमुंडी के सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र की ए.एन.एम सहित अन्य स्टाफ के पास कमिशन पहुंच जाता है। इस प्रक्रिया में बाहरी एम्बुलेंस वाले के साथ अस्पताल प्रबंधन की सांठगांठ रहती है।”

प्रभारी चिकित्सक की माने तो उन्हें इस बात की कोई जानकारी नहीं है।

दवा उपलब्ध, मगर मरीज़ बाहर से दवा लेने को मजबूर

अभी हाल ही में 7 जून 2018 को देश के प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने वीडियो काँफ्रेंसिंग के ज़रिए प्रधानमंत्री जन औषधि परियोजना और अन्य स्वास्थ्य योजनाओं की जानकारी दी। उन्होंने दावा किया कि जन औषधि केन्द्रों में अब मरीज़ों को 50 से 90 फीसदी तक कम दरों पर दवाइयां मिल रही हैं लेकिन दलालों और झोलाछाप डॉक्टर्स की वजह से ये महत्वाकांक्षी योजना भी ज़मीन पर अपना उचित लक्ष्य पाने से दूर है।

झारखंड के दुमका ज़िले में स्टोर चला रहे बंटी अग्रवाल कहते हैं “हमें जितनी दवाइयों की ज़रूरत होती है वे उपर से उपलब्ध ही नहीं हो पाते हैं।” वजह पूछे जाने पर वे बताते हैं कि कुछ स्टोर्स से गांव में प्रैक्टिस कर रहे झोला छाप डॉक्टर्स और दलालों की सेटिंग होती है, जो भारी मात्रा में दवाईंया उठाकर ब्लैक कर देते हैं। इस कारण हमारे यहां ज़रूरी दवाइयां सप्लाय नहीं हो पाती है और कई बार ग्रामीण इलाकों से आए गरीब लोग खाली हाथ वापस लौट जाते हैं।

इतना ही नहीं झारखंड के रांची में स्थित जन औषधि की एजेंसियां कमिशन खाकर दवाइयां झारखंड भेजने के बजाए बिहार भेज देते हैं।
हालांकि झारखंड के काठीकुंड के स्वास्थ्य केंद्र पर जब हमने जानकारी जुटाने की कोशिश की तो दवा वितरण कक्ष के अजीत कुमार पाल ने बताया “यहां दवाएं तो 70 फीसदी तक उपलब्ध हो जाते हैं। लेकिन कभी कभी डॉक्टर एक या दो ऐसी दवाएं लिखते हैं जो बाहर की दुकानों पर ही मिल पाते हैं।”

मरीज़ की राह में झोला छाप डॉक्टर्स बन रहे बाधा

अस्पतालों में डॉक्टरों की अनियमितता, दवाइयों की किल्लत और भ्रष्टाचार के बीच अब झोला छाप डॉक्टर मरीज़ो और अस्पतालों के बीच की दूरी को और बढ़ा रहे हैं। ऐसा इसलिए क्योंकि एक तो डिलिवरी पेशेंट के अलावा अन्य मरीज़ों को अस्पताल तक पहुंचने के लिए सरकार की ओर से कोई सुविधा नहीं है। यदि ग्राम मुख्य मार्ग पर पड़ता है, तब ग्रामीणों को अस्पताल तक पहुंचने के लिए लाइन बस मिल जाती है। दिक्कत उस स्थिति में होती है जब गांव मुख्य मार्ग से लगभग 15-20 किलोमीटर की दूरी पर होते हैं।  ऐसे में जब प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र में ताले जड़े हों फिर तो इन्हें सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र जाने के लिए कड़ी मशक्कत करनी पड़ती है। ऐसे में झोला छाप डॉक्टरों की दुकान काफी अच्छी चलने लगती है।

दुमका ज़िले के जरमुंडी प्रखंड के गांव ठारी के रहने वाले करन कुमार मंडल चिकित्सा से जुड़ी अपनी दास्तानों को बयान करते हुए काफी भावुक हो जाते हैं। वे कहते हैं “गांव में कोई ज़िन्दगी नहीं है। देर रात यदि हमारे घर पर किसी को कुछ हो जाए तब सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र जाते-जाते मरीज़ की जान बच पाएगी या नहीं ये कहा नहीं जा सकता। और तो और हम जिन झोला छाप डॉक्टरों का पहले विरोध करते थे आज हमें उन्हीं की शरण में जाना पड़ता है। हमें पता होता है कि यदि हम ज़िले के सदर अस्पताल जाएंगे तब हमे अपने ग्राम से बेहतर चिकित्सा मिल पाएगी लेकिन यहां तांगा या बैलगाड़ी नहीं चलती और ना ही गांव में किसी के यहां ऑटो है। रात को सड़कें भी सुनसान होती हैं और वहां लाइट की भी कोई व्यवस्था नहीं होती। इस स्थिति में हम स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र, जरमुंडी जाएं तो कैसे जाएं। तब विवश होकर हम झोला छाप डॉक्टर्स से ही इलाज करा लेते हैं। अब हमे आदत सी पड़ गई है झोला छाप डॉक्टर्स की शरण में जाने की।”

ज़ाहिर है भारत के ग्रामीण इलाकों में स्वास्थ्य योजनाएं होने के बावजूद आमलोगों तक उसका लाभ नहीं पहुंच पा रहा है। डॉक्टरों, दवाइयों की उपलब्धता के साथ-साथ कभी-कभी व्यवसायिक लाभों के लिए डॉक्टरों की साठ-गांठ भी लोगों के लिए परेशानी का सबब है। अगर सरकारी योजनाओं को लोगों तक पहुंचाने वाली व्यवस्था को समय रहते दुरुस्त कर लिया जाता है तो यकीनन झारखंड समेत देश के सभी लोगों के लिए स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं बेहतर हो सकती हैं।

The post इन वजहों से भारत के ग्रामीणों तक नहीं पहुंच पाती स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

A month ago, India removed its ‘tampon tax’, a move welcomed by activists worldwide. But the struggle for safeguarding menstrual health of all people who menstruate has other fronts which need our attention.

This year has been a ‘bloody’ good year in India for those who menstruate. From the Bollywood film Padman to the removal of Goods and Services Tax (GST) on sanitary napkins a month ago, our periods sometimes received more attention than what Rahul Gandhi’s hug to PM Narendra Modi, in the Parliament, received.

The decision of the GST Council to remove the 12% tax on sanitary napkins was welcomed by activists and people who supported various campaigns to make sanitary pads tax-free. But, this sense of joy was short-lived. The bubble we created with our emotions was pricked by something called the Input Tax Credit (ITC). A lot has been explained by experts about ITC and you can do a mere Google search to know more about its importance.

It seems the benefits of removal of GST on sanitary napkins is negligible and it has instead created problems for domestic manufacturers, who want a lower GST on sanitary napkins.

Looking Beyond Pads                            

As a menstrual health educator, I believe the removal of GST was an emotional victory and the silver lining was that it got people talking about a taboo topic. The campaign against GST on pads has shown how online petitions and campaigns on a taboo topic can drive conversations and influence a government to take a drastic measure because of public opinion. The move to remove GST on sanitary napkins might end up in a fizzle, but let’s not lose heart as there are bigger battles out there which require our attention.

I searched online to find campaigns which are looking at other important aspects of menstrual health and found a few interesting petitions.

1) Make Menstrual Hygiene Education Compulsory in Schools: This petition had to feature at the top of my list because its impact will be long-term and more sustainable than free distribution of menstrual hygiene products. I strongly believe education is the most important pillar of menstrual hygiene management (MHM).

In the past one year, I have reached more than 7,500 people who menstruate in Assam through our workshops at Sikun Relief Foundation and I have heard stories which make me question the progress we have made as a society. Making people who menstruate sleep in cow sheds or sleep on the floor even during harsh winters is inhumane. Only sustained education campaigns can change perceptions to stop these harmful practices.

Families might still be hesitant or lack the skills to discuss about menstruation, but schools have the capability to impart menstrual hygiene education. There could also be state-specific MHM curriculum for maximum impact.

2) Plastic waste created by Disposable Sanitary Napkins: Disposable Sanitary Napkins (DSNs) have their utility and ease of use but they are unsustainable. We are facing a climate change crisis, our landfills are burning waste and islands of plastic trash are threatening our oceans. The most popular brands of sanitary napkins manufactured by MNCs take 600-700 years to decompose in landfills.

Last year, when Sushmita Dev an MP from Assam launched a petition to make sanitary napkins tax-free, the campaign Green the Red launched a counter petition to make only sustainable menstrual hygiene products such as cloth pads and menstrual cups tax-free. I believe this campaign can be relaunched again by asking the government to incentivise manufacturers of such products and also asking MNCs to invest in efforts to deal with menstrual waste sustainably.

3) Accountability of schemes pertaining to menstrual health: In 2014, the UNICEF and WHO defined Menstrual Hygiene Management (MHM) as: ‘Women and adolescent girls using a clean menstrual management material to absorb or collect blood that can be changed in privacy as often as necessary for the duration of the menstruation period, using soap and water for washing the body as required, and having access to facilities to dispose of used menstrual management materials.’

MHM is a part of government programmes such as Swachh Bharat Mission, National Adolescent Health Programme, Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan to name a few. But quite often government agencies end up working solely on the product angle of this definition. Education, proper toilet and water facilities and safe disposal are areas that quite often get neglected.  Here are two state-specific campaigns Ensure Mandatory Menstrual Hygiene Service in Anganwadis of Jharkhand and Keep UP Girls in School – Make toilets accessible to them!  which are demanding the respective state governments to provide proper infrastructure and education for people who menstruate, to manage their periods with dignity.

Towards A Taboo-Free Future 

I work in flood-hit areas in Assam where quite often the needs of people who menstruate in cramped flood relief camps go unmet because of silence and shame. But, things are changing slowly. Menstruation is finally having its moment in the sun and menstrual hygiene activism in India is evolving to include other neglected aspects of MHM such as the needs of disabled people who menstruate, menstrual hygiene during emergencies, etc.

As a grassroots development professional, these recent developments make me optimistic about a future where we are free from menstrual taboos and no one is held behind by their periods.

Mayuri Bhattacharjee is the Founder of Sikun Relief Foundation, an organisation working on climate resilient WASH systems and Sexual & Reproductive Health in environmentally fragile regions in India. She is a World Economic Forum Global Shaper and a Climate Reality Leader.

The post A Month After GST: The Other ‘Bloody’ Battles To Be Won For Menstrual Health appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

पिछले दिनों बिहार में बी.पी.मंडल की जयंती मनाई गई। कई पार्टियों ने उनकी जयंती के बहाने बिहार के दलितों और पिछड़ों की राजनीती में अपनी पहचान मज़बूत करने की जद्दोजहद की। एक ओर जहां राजद से तेजस्वी यादव ने मंच संभाला और मंडल कमीशन की सारी सिफारिशों को लागू करने की मांग की तो दूसरी तरफ राष्ट्रीय लोक समता पार्टी के उपेंद्र कुशवाहा ने यदुवंशियों और कुशवंशियों को मिल कर खीर बनाने की कवायद की।

देखा जाए तो उपेंद्र कुशवाहा का ये बयान बिहार की राजनीति को लेकर बेहद महत्वपूर्ण है। कयास लगाए जा रहे हैं कि उपेंद्र कुशवाहा शायद एन.डी.ए. के घटक दल के रूप में खुद को सुरक्षित महसूस नहीं कर रहे हैं। ऐसा होना तब और भी लाज़मी लगता है जब खबर आती है कि रालोसपा के ज़िलाध्यक्ष की हत्या कर दी गई है। ऐसे में कुशवाहा को एक मौका मिल गया नीतीश पर हमला बोलने का। और ये तो जगजाहिर है की बिहार के मुख्यमंत्री के रूप में उपेंद्र कुशवाहा को नितीश कुमार कतई नहीं पसंद हैं।

कुशवाहा हमेशा से खुद को ही मुख्यमंत्री की कुर्सी का असली दावेदार समझते आए हैं। ऐसे में यदि कुशवाहा कल को महागठबंधन में शामिल हो जाएं तो कोई आश्चर्य की बात नहीं। इसमें भी कोई दो राय नहीं है कि कल को उपेंद्र कुशवाहा यदि महागठबंधन में शामिल हो जाते हैं तो वो खुद को मुख्यमंत्री पद का उम्मीदवार समझेंगे और ऐसे में राजद नेता तेजस्वी यादव को इस पद के लिए अपनी उम्मीदवारी वापस लेनी पड़ सकती है। हालांकि राजद कभी इस बात के लिए तैयार होगा, ऐसा नहीं लगता। कुशवाहा वोट बैंक के लिए राजद अपने बने-बनाए यादव वोट बैंक को बिखेरने का जोखिम नहीं लेना चाहेगा।

एक दूसरा विकल्प ये भी है कि शायद भाजपा रालोसपा को अपने साथ रखने के लिए उपेंद्र कुशवाहा को एन.डी.ए. के सी.एम. पद का उम्मीदवार घोषित कर दे। पर ये अभी दूर की कौड़ी लगती है क्यूंकि नीतीश हरगिज ऐसा नहीं चाहेंगे। यदि ऐसा हुआ तो नीतीश कुमार एक बार फिर महागठबंधन में वापस लौटने की राह तलाश कर सकते हैं। आज जहां तेजस्वी के साथ पूरा विपक्ष एकजुट हो कर साथ खड़ा है, वहीं नीतीश के पास शायद भाजपा के अलावा कोई विकल्प नहीं है।

एक ओर जहां महागठबंधन में तेजस्वी के नाम पर सी.एम. पद के उम्मीदवार के तौर पर मुहर लग चुकी है, तो वहीं दूसरी ओर हमेशा से अपने मुख्यमंत्री पद को लेकर आश्वस्त नज़र आने वाले नीतीश कुमार की कुर्सी हाथ से निकलती दिखाई दे रही है। अगस्त 2017 से यानी की जब से महागठबंधन से जदयू ने खुद को अलग किया है, तेजस्वी यादव का कद बिहार और देश की राजनीति में बढ़ा है। तेजस्वी 2013 से ही बिहार की राजनीति में सक्रिय हैं लेकिन उनको 2017 के बाद ही राष्ट्रीय राजनीति में बड़ी पहचान मिलनी शुरू हुई है। ऐसे में ये देखना अहम होगा कि नीतीश कुमार ने हालिया दिनों में सरकार चलाने में जो गलतियां की हैं उसका लाभ राजद कितना उठा पाती है।

सबसे ज़रूरी बात ये है कि नीतीश कुमार को महिलाएं बहुत वोट देती हैं, पर मुज्ज़फरपुर बलात्कार कांड के बाद और आरा में एक महिला को निर्वस्त्र कर घुमाने की घटना के बाद शायद महिलाएं भी नीतीश कुमार पर भरोसा करने की ज़हमत नहीं उठाएंगी।

ऐसे समय में तेजस्वी यादव ही एकमात्र विकल्प के रूप में उभर कर सामने आते हैं। युवाओं में भी तेजस्वी के प्रति गजब का उत्साह देखने को मिल रही है। यहां तक की JNU और TISS जैसी नामी-गिरामी संस्थाओं के छात्र भी आज तेजस्वी के समर्थन में खड़े हैं तो ज़ाहिर है कि राजद की पुरानी छवि हालिया वर्षों में सुधरी है। उनका सोशल मीडिया और ट्विटर हैंडल भी युवाओं के बीच काफी लोकप्रिय है। पिता लालू प्रसाद के गिरते स्वास्थ्य और कानूनी बंदिशों के बाद तेजस्वी ने जिस प्रकार राजद को संभाला है, वो वाकई काबिल-ए-तारीफ है।

पिछले दिनों एक ट्रक पर एक नारा पढ़ा-“बिहार की मजबूरी है, तेजस्वी ज़रुरी है”- ये दर्शाता है कि बिहार की राजनीती में तेजस्वी अपने पिता से भी ज़्यादा तेज़ी से उभरे हैं।

पर सबसे अहम सवाल ये है कि क्या इन बनते-बिगड़ते राजनैतिक समीकरणों में राजद अपना भविष्य तलाश कर पाएगी?

The post “क्या सच में बिहार की मजबूरी है और तेजस्वी ज़रूरी है” appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.