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Alwar’s Fight Against Child Malnutrition Is Off To A Great Start

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Rajasthan’s Alwar district has been in the news for all the wrong reasons. Two beef lynchings in a year and low-intensity communal clashes throughout have got the national media’s attention. The state law and order machinery really needs to buckle up, because, other than normalizing hate, it is also making some of the inspiring initiatives with potential progressive impact invisible. “Making It Happen” is one such move.

It is a collaboration of Rajasthan government and the Tata Trusts. In Rajasthan, it is running in five districts, i.e. Dausa, Tonk, Kaurali, Dholpur and Alwar. Another part of the collaborative is in the works in Seemandhra in Krishna, Guntur and SPSR Nellore districts. (This article is limited to Alwar, Rajasthan, which, I visited on August 21, 2018).

So what are these governments and their partner agencies making happen? They are trying to address the under-nutrition burden in the said districts holistically with a systems’ approach rather than as bits of its parts. Haven’t we heard ever so often, the whole is more than the sum of its parts? So is nutrition, and hence having a multi-sectoral approach is so important, i.e. addressing the whole rather than the sum of its parts. This is being tried via a multi-pronged strategy, i.e.:

  • Refurbish the AWCS with better infrastructure, repair the Anganwadi Centre (AWC henceforth) building, paint the building, construct toilets and kitchen (if food is prepared within the AWC) and ensure safe water supply.
  • Improve delivery of services through active Village Health Sanitation and Nutrition Days (VHSNDs). Also ensuring food safety in meals and promoting fortified salt and oil to enrich the micronutrients in food through targeted messages in the VHSNDs.
  • Improve early childhood care and education (ECCE), pre-school education kit, notebooks, uniform, toys and dolls, i.e. all that is needed to enhance learning by playing and cognitive development of the children
  • Supporting community mobilisation and behaviour change with special emphasis on Maternal, Infant and Young Child Feeding practices amongst mothers and their families.
  • Establish and support coordination cells at the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) directorate. This cell functions as a technical resource centre for nutrition for the state. The coordination cell constitutes different civil society organizations and multilateral agencies working in the state on nutrition initiatives to one place and also coordinates with other relevant ministries like Water Sanitation, Health et al.
Machdi Anganwadi Centre

Why Rajasthan, one would ask. Well, it is a no-brainer. Rajasthan sort of self-selected itself. Rajasthan is India’s largest state by area with a population exceeding 6.86 crores (per the 2011 census). Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe groups make up about 31% of Rajasthan’s population. Rajasthan’s poverty headcount ratio is 14.7% which works out to over 1.02 crore people living below the state-specific poverty line. Recurrent spells of drought in Rajasthan has meant water scarcity and agrarian crisis. The economy is primarily agricultural and pastoral with 70% of the population involved in agrarian activities. Agrarian crisis coupled with long and recurrent spells of drought has affected food and nutrition security in the state.

Child malnutrition is a major public health concern in the state. NFHS 4 (2014-15) has shown that 39.1% of children under five years are stunted, 36.7% are underweight, and 23% are wasted. Anaemia prevalence in children is as high as 60.3%. There is reduction in malnutrition in children compared to NFHS 3 (2004-5), but the rate of reduction is slow and far short of the pace needed to achieve the global goals, i.e. the Sustainable Development Goals. Further, the rate of reduction does not commensurate with the investments being made through several programs targeted at improving the health and nutrition of the population.

But the fact that Rajasthan government has set up the State Nutrition Council under the stewardship of the Chief Minister herself is also an indicator of the state government’s commitment to addressing the under-nutrition challenge head-on.

In Alwar, 20 AWCs have been chosen in the pilot phase. The Machdi AWC in Umren block is one such. The AWC in Jatav Basti in Umren is another one. For the selection of the 20 AWCs, an additional set of criteria was added, i.e. post-matriculate Anganwadi worker (AWW), engaged the community and regular presence/attendance of children.

When I visited the AWCs, it was a sight to behold! From sprucing up the AWCs with bright colours, graphic stories, painting the specifics about the staff and the services on the walls, to equipping the AWC with height and weight charts and equipment, water purifier and clean toilet, the AWC had it all. But most importantly it had 10 children engaged in learning, chirpy and noisy and full of energy. The Anganwadi worker, Sunita Yadav, at Machdi AWC, was almost giving a performance to the children while teaching!

The AWC was visibly bright and happy and almost beckoning one and all to visit. That is precisely the point, shared Bijendra Singh, the programme officer of “Making It Happen” in Alwar. To make the AWC a bright and happy destination, an aspirational address, so the community members want to send their children, they want to spend time and engage with AWC specifically and the ICDS programme generally, is the focus, Mr Singh explained.

Dr Rajan Sankar, Tata Trusts’ nutrition head, shared why refurbishing the physical space of the AWC, brightening it up is so important. There is so much emphasis on making malnutrition visible to the naked eyes so parents can recognise the symptoms, but most of the malnutrition conversation is conceptual, normative. For mobilising communities, it is equally important to have something tangible, visible, desirable, aspirational, and that is precisely what refurbishing these 20 AWCs in Alwar and 100 throughout Rajasthan, is trying to achieve, Dr Sankar emphasised.

Rajasthan is also a state with vibrant people’s movement and active citizenship. From Lok Jumbish, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan to the iconic Right to Information Act, who can forget the contribution of Rajasthan state to the democratic template of India. So it would be remiss not to tap into that people’s movement spirit, the activism of citizens. Emphasising on building community awareness on the package of ICDS services and demanding the same is tapping into that activism too.

At the time of my visit, it was just four months since the initiative had been rolled out. But the green shoots were already visible. The bright AWCs, the engaged parents and the used, dog-eared ECE books of the children, was a visual experience! Rajasthan government has come out with a set of age-appropriate books for children. Kilkari, Umang and Tarang are the three books catering to the age group of 3-6 years. The stories and concepts in the books are local and speaking to the living realities of the children. This is an exciting time for ECE in India, from Delhi to Rajasthan, we are witnessing exciting experiments. I have discussed ECE initiatives and their absolute necessity (in a low learning outcome country like India) in detail here.

Many nutrition and public health initiatives have invited criticism for being too expensive, human resource heavy, discordant from the state perspective, and hence un-scalable. Health apps fad is one such. “Making It Happen” is acutely aware of that and wants to steer clear of over-resourcing a public funded programme. Hence they want to operate within the state framework. Keeping the budgets and human resources real and scalable is their mantra.

The systems’ constraints in the ICDS need addressing too. There is a vacancy of almost 40% from the supervisory cadre onwards. That is bound to impact the programme delivery, shares Ms Shanti Verma Chhaprawal, the Deputy Director, ICDS for Alwar.  When the department operates with such a staff shortage, it affects the state’s capacity to deliver shrinks, Ms Chhaprawal elaborates. The registration rates of children in the ICDS need to be 100%. And the community engagement for 100% registration and attendance of children requires AWCs to become aspirational for the neo-rich, the middle class, just like private schools and private crèches are. Public financed programmes like ICDS and AWCs are for the public, and making them the go-to destinations for all children is the impact, we want, she shares. Children of all class, caste, creed growing together would be aspirational for the state too. She is hopeful the staff shortage will be addressed too.

Considering the programme rolled out in April 2018, it is still early to look for under-nutrition reduction impact. But if the brightly painted AWCs, the chirpy children and the committed AWWs are anything to go by, the impact will be worth the wait!

And “Making It Happen” could be as much an active citizenship project, citizens’ solidarity project as much as under-nutrition reduction project. Just what Alwar needs in these difficult times!

The author is a fellow with the International Centre for Journalists, Washington DC, and writes on childhood matters. She can be reached at biraj_swain@hotmail.com

The post Alwar’s Fight Against Child Malnutrition Is Off To A Great Start appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.


कौन हैं सुधा भारद्वाज, जिन्हें भीमा कोरेगांव मामले में किया गया है हाउस अरेस्ट

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इस साल की शुरुआत में भीमा कोरेगांव में भड़की हिंसा के मामले में मंगलवार को पुलिस ने देशभर में छापेमारी की और पांच लोगों को गिरफ्तार किया है। खबरों के अनुसार, गिरफ्तार पांच लोगों का नक्सलियों से कनेक्शन बताया जा रहा है और इसी आधार पर उनकी गिरफ्तारी की गई है।

इन पांच लोगों में हैदराबाद के कवि और समाजसेवी वरवर राव, मुंबई के रहने वाले नागरिक अधिकार कार्यकर्ता अरुण फरेरा, वकील और समाजसेवी सुधा भारद्वाज, वर्नोन गान्जल्विस और गौतम नवलखा शामिल हैं।

गिरफ्तार 5 लोगों में तीन को आज अदालत में पेश किया जाएगा। सुधा भारद्वाज को अभी उनके फरीदाबाद के घर में ही नज़रबंद रखा गया है और उन्हें कल यानी गुरुवार को कोर्ट में पेश किया जाएगा।

कौन हैं सुधा भारद्वाज-

अपने घर में नज़रबंद सुधा भारद्वाज

पेशे से वकील और पिछले 30 सालों से ट्रेड यूनियन से जुड़ी सुधा भारद्वाज मज़ूदरों, किसानों, दलितों, आदिवासियों के लिए लड़ाई लड़ रही हैं। छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा से जुड़े रहते हुए इन्होंने भीलाई के माइन्स और प्लान्ट्स में काम करने वाले मज़दूरों के हकों के लिए भ्रष्ट नौकरशाहों के खिलाफ अपनी आवाज़ बुलंद की है।

इसके साथ ही सुधा दलित और आदिवासी राइट्स के लिए भी लड़ती आई हैं। ये दलित और आदिवासियों के लिए भूमि, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, रोज़गार के लिए लगातार काम कर रही हैं।

सुधा नेशनल लॉ यूनिवर्सिटी, दिल्ली की विज़िटिंग प्रोफेसर और पीपुल्स यूनियन फॉर सिविल लिबर्टीज़ की राष्ट्रीय सचिव भी हैं। ये ‘जनहित लॉयर कलेक्टिव’ की संस्थापक भी हैं।

सुधा अपने कॉलेज के दिनों में ही मज़दूरों और किसानों के हक की लड़ाई में शामिल हो गई थीं। IIT में पढ़ने के दौरान बिहार, उत्तर प्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल के मज़दूरों की बुरी स्थिति से वाकिफ होने के बाद इन्होंने उनके हक के लिए लड़ने का फैसला किया और 1986 में छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा से जुड़ गईं। इनके हक को कानूनी रूप से आगे बढ़ाने के लिए ही सुधा ने वकालत की पढ़ाई की। सुधा ज़मीन अधिग्रहण के खिलाफ भी लड़ाई लड़ती रही हैं।

अमेरीकी नागरिकता के साथ जन्म लेने वाली सुधा ने 18 साल की उम्र में अमेरीकी नागरिकता त्याग दी थी।

रिपब्लिक टीवी ने इस साल 4 जुलाई को अपने एक कार्यक्रम में सुधा पर आरोप लगाते हुए कहा था कि सुधा ने किसी माओवादी को चिट्ठी लिखी थी, जिसमें उन्होंने कहा था कि देश में कश्मीर जैसी परिस्थिति पैदा करनी होगी। रिपब्लिक टीवी ने उनपर माओवादियों से पैसे लेने का भी आरोप लगाया था। हालांकि उस चिट्ठी का कोई पुख्ता सबूत नहीं मिला और सुधा ने भी अपने ऊपर लगे इस आरोप को गलत ठहराया है।

The post कौन हैं सुधा भारद्वाज, जिन्हें भीमा कोरेगांव मामले में किया गया है हाउस अरेस्ट appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Chronology Of A Crackdown: How Police Arrested 5 Activists Over Alleged ‘Maoist Links’

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Houses of nine human rights activists, lawyers, and journalists were raided, and as many as five were arrested over alleged ‘Maoists links’ during a multi-city police crackdown on Tuesday, in Pune, Hyderabad, Delhi, Faridabad, Goa, Mumbai, and Ranchi. A Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice of India Dipak Mishra is currently hearing the petition challenging the crackdown and demanding the release of all the arrested activists.

August 29, 2018: Senior lawyer and activist Prashant Bhushan and some others filed the petition challenging the arrests in the Apex court on Wednesday morning. A bench headed by CJI Mishra started hearing the petition at 3:45 pm on Wednesday.

Activists and public figures like JNU scholar Umar Khalid, senior journalists Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, actress Swara Bhaskar, Jignesh Mevani, among many others released a public statement claiming that the arrests were an attempt to ‘strike terror among those who are fighting for justice for the marginalised’. They also accused the government of diverting attention from the involvement of the Sanatan Sanstha who allegedly conspired bomb attacks on Eid and Ganesh Chaturthi.

August 28, 2018: On Tuesday evening, activists Sudha Bharadwaj, Gautam Navlakha, Arun Ferreira, Vernon Gonsalves, and P Varavara Rao were arrested without any warrants under the draconian Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). The recent arrests are in connection with the ongoing investigation of the involvement of Maoists in the Bhima Koregaon violence on December 31.

Pan India raids were conducted by police, without any warrants, to probe the alleged conspiracy to assassinate PM Modi on Tuesday morning.

June 6, 2018: Similarly, in June this year, Pune police arrested five activists Rona Wilson, Sudhir Dhawale, Jati Antachi Chalwal, Mahesh Raut, and Surendra Gadling were arrested. According to the police, the accused incited caste-based violence in Maharashtra and were raising funds from banned Maoists outfits to assassinate Prime Minister Narendra Modi in ‘Rajiv Gandhi style’.

How the nation reacted

While the investigation on the previous arrests has still not proved the charges, the recent crackdown has enraged the public intellectuals. Activists, politicians, and journalists have condemned the ruling BJP government for using police to curb dissent and termed the arrests as ‘virtual declaration of national emergency’.

Soon after the arrests, author and Nobel laureate Arundhati Roy called the situation extremely perilous and said, “That the raids are taking place on the homes of lawyers, poets, writers, Dalit rights activists and intellectuals – instead of on those who make up lynch mobs and murder people in broad daylight tells us very clearly where India is headed.”

Lending weight to Roy’s concerns, a noted historian Ramachandra Guha said that if Mahatma Gandhi was alive, he would have donned his lawyer’s robes and would have defended the arrested activists. He further stated that with the Centre lending support to such crackdowns, the current situation is similar to the national emergency of 1975.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi also didn’t miss the cue and launched a scathing attack on the ruling party.

The post Chronology Of A Crackdown: How Police Arrested 5 Activists Over Alleged ‘Maoist Links’ appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

कितनी सच है मोदी की हत्या की साजिश वाली बात

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हमारे देश के प्रधानमंत्री के हज़ारों दुश्मन होंगे और ये भी संभव है कि कुछ लोग उन्हें मारने की साजिश रच रहे हों लेकिन क्या कोई इतनी बड़ी साजिश एक चिट्ठी के ज़रिये रचेगा? क्या कोई चिट्ठी में अपने प्लान के बारे में साफ-साफ लिखेगा? क्या कोई चिट्ठी में लिखकर ये बताएगा कि कैसे राजीव गांधी स्टाइल में पीएम मोदी पर हमला करना है? क्या कोई ये भी बता देगा कि पीएम मोदी के रोड शो पर हमला करना है? क्या कोई अपना और अपने साथियों का नाम भी चिट्ठी में लिखकर रखेगा?

सबसे बड़ी बात, क्या वो आदमी उस चिट्ठी को नष्ट करने की बजाये संभालकर रखेगा कि एक दिन जांच एजेंसियां उस तक पहुंच सकें?

ये सवाल इसलिये ज़रूरी हो जाते हैं क्योंकि एक चिट्ठी की वजह से ही देश के बड़े-बड़े बुद्धिजीवियों, वकीलों, मानवाधिकार और दलित अधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं, पत्रकारों और वकीलों को गिरफ्तार किया जा रहा है। विचारक और कवि वरवर राव, वकील सुधा भारद्वाज, मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ता अरुण फरेरा, गौतम नवलखा और वर्नन गोंज़ाल्विस पर पीएम मोदी की हत्या की साजिश जैसा संगीन आरोप लगाया गया है।

इसी साल जून महीने में दलित कार्यकर्ता सुधीर धावले, वकील सुरेंद्र गाडगिल, सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता महेश राउत, सोमा सेन और रोना विल्सन को गिरफ्तार किया गया था। पुणे पुलिस ने दावा किया कि रोमा विल्सन के लैपटॉप से उन्हें एक चिट्ठी मिली है। किसी कॉमरेड प्रकाश के नाम लिखी गई चिट्ठी में हमले की पूरी प्लानिंग का ज़िक्र बताया जा रहा है। उसके बाद से जो हो रहा है वो आपके सामने है।

ऐसे में सवाल है कि जब बार-बार पीएम मोदी की हत्या की साजिश की खबरें सामने आती हैं तो प्रधानमंत्री क्यों हर जगह जाकर खुली जीप से हाथ हिलाकर रोड शो करते हैं? क्यों प्रधानमंत्री रैली के बाद भीड़ से हाथ मिलाने चले जाते हैं? क्यों प्रधानमंत्री विदेश में भारतीय मूल के लोगों के साथ सेल्फी क्लिक कराते हैं? क्यों लाल किले से भाषण के बाद बच्चों के बीच पहुंच जाते हैं? जब प्रधानमंत्री की जान को इतना ही खतरा है तो एसपीजी ने उन्हें अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी की अंतिम यात्रा में 5-6 किलोमीटर पैदल यात्रा की अनुमति कैसे दे दी? इस दौरान उनपर हमला हो जाता तो क्या होता? देश के प्रधानमंत्री की जान से भला यूं खिलवाड़ क्यों हो रहा है? क्या ऐसी भयंकर लापरवाही करने वाले उच्च सुरक्षा अधिकारियों को बर्खास्त नहीं कर देना चाहिये? क्या देश के गृहमंत्री को इस ओर ध्यान नहीं देना चाहिए था?

सवाल तो ये भी है कि जब साजिश वाली चिट्ठी जून में हाथ लग गई थी तो पुणे पुलिस इतने महीनों से कर क्या रही थी? अगर ये पांचों लोग साजिश में शामिल लग रहे थे तो पुलिस ने उन्हें फौरन गिरफ्तार क्यों नहीं किया? क्या इतने दिनों तक पुलिस उन्हें अपने कथित प्लान को एग्ज़िक्यूट करने का समय दे रही थी?

देश के पीएम की सुरक्षा से जुड़े मसले पर भी भला पुलिस इतनी भयंकर लापरवाही कैसे दिखा सकती है? मोदी ऐसे अकेले प्रधानमंत्री बन गये हैं जिनकी जान के पीछे इतने लोग पड़े हैं लेकिन वो फिर भी जान जोखिम में डालकर रोड शो कर-कर के वोट मांगते हैं। देश के प्रधानमंत्री की जान जोखिम में डालकर उनका चुनावी इस्तेमाल करने वाली बीजेपी को जनता माफ नहीं करेगी।

असल में देश के समाजसेवी, मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ता, वकील, लेखक और मुखर लोगों की गिरफ्तारी दिखाती है कि सरकार विरोधी आवाज़ों से कितना डरती है। असल में हत्या की साजिश की कहानी के पीछे विद्रोही आवाज़ को कुचलने की साजिश है।

आपको याद होगा, 15 जून 2004 को गुजरात में इशरत जहां, जावेद गुलाम शेख, अमजद अली राना और ज़ीशान जोहर को लश्कर का आतंकी बताकर अहमदाबाद पुलिस और एसआईबी ने एनकाउंटर कर दिया था। उस वक्त कहा गया था कि ये चारों गुजरात के तत्कालीन सीएम नरेंद्र मोदी की हत्या करने जा रहे थे।

भीमा-कोरेगांव में दलितों पर हुए हमले में नामजद आरोपी और मास्टरमाइंड संभाजी भिड़े, जिन्हें पीएम मोदी गुरु जी कहकर संबोधित करते हैं, मस्त घूम रहे हैं। जिस पर कार्रवाई होनी चाहिए थी वो तो हुई नहीं उलटे दलित और मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं को रास्ते से हटाया जा रहा है।

नरेंद्र मोदी जी, आप देश के प्रधानमंत्री हैं। आप सावधान रहिये, सतर्क रहिये और सुरक्षित रहिये। आप प्रधानमंत्री हैं इसलिये देश के लोकतंत्र का भी ख्याल रखिये। आपने काम किया होगा तो वोट मिल ही जाएगा, हमें यूं इमोशनल फूल तो ना बनाओ।

The post कितनी सच है मोदी की हत्या की साजिश वाली बात appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

P. Sainath’s ‘Everybody Loves A Good Drought’ Is A Crucial Account Of Our Poorest Villages

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If only someone could walk up to P. Sainath and blurt out on his face, “The monstrosity, the silliness, the grinding misery and brazen exploitation that you describe are all lies; figment of your imagination.” Or better still, “All you wrote twenty years back are relics from the long forgotten past. India is rising. Look at the GDP curve. We have the fastest growing group of billionaires in the world. Don’t you follow TV channels or read newspapers?”

Alas! How little has changed.  The first accusation would have to be immediately dismissed. Some of his reporting back then shook the nation to the core, forcing Prime Ministers and Chief Ministers to rush to those forgotten far-flung hamlets.  Unfortunately, those were just token measures with no institutional changes; which Sainath foresaw. As for the second part, despite all growth stories, poverty in rural India is still endemic and perhaps far more complex than it was 20 years back.  Let’s dwell on that too later.

Sainath’s account of the lives in our poorest villages in Everybody Loves a Good Drought, where a large percentage of Indians live, is as alive today as it was two decades back. Some have called the book, “a history of rural India”, others have called it “the conscience of India” and it was included in part in The Century’s Greatest Reportage (Ordfront, 2000). In the foreword, Gopal Krishna Gandhi writes, “There are books and there are books. Many sell, but a few of them never stop selling. More, they never stop being read. And reread.”

How pertinent. I was reading the book for the second time. Having worked and lived most part of the last decade in rural India, his description of the struggles and travails of people in the rural parts of our country still hits the proverbial bull’s eye. And some of the quotes in the book are just mind-numbing. Let me start with my favourite and intersperse this piece with a few others.

“When poor get literate and educated, the rich lose their palanquin bearers.”

The name of the book almost sounds like a marketing gimmick but it was not Sainath’s idea. A peasant activist from Jharkhand had wryly remarked that drought reliefs are a bonanza time for some- teesri fasal (third crop). So, basically many in power love a good flood or a drought as bigger the calamity, the larger is the cut for any sanctioned work. But the book is much more than a natural calamity devastating the lives of the poor in India’s hinterland. The first section of the book is about the developments (or the complete absence of it) in rural India four decades after independence.

It is on ignorant yet arrogant policies wrecking havoc in the lives of the neediest among us, about lack of even minimum health or education service delivery to the poor and above all the hollowness of many, so-called, development strategies. In short, as he puts it –a brief introduction to the absurd!

“Denying the poor access to knowledge goes back a long way……if a Sudra listens to the Vedas, his ears are to be filled with molten tin and lac. In a modern polity, where the base-born have votes, the elite act differently. Say all the right things. But deny access. Sometimes, mass pressure forces concessions. Bend a little. After a while, it is business as usual”

The second section is full of anecdotes on the survival strategies of the poor. It is tragically beautiful. Rantapandi and the other tree-climbing Nadars in Ramnad district of Tamil Nadu hop up and down about 40 palm trees a day. He then has to extract the juice and climb down. There are another 39 trees before his 15-hour slog ends. During the peak season, he would have to climb a height greater than New York’s Empire State Building- every day. Dharmi Paharini of the Paharia tribe from Godda, Bihar (now in Jharkhand), weighing less than the 40 kg firewood on her head, covers 31 kilometres to sell them for a pittance.  Then there is Mangal (Tuesday), the Bonda tribal from Malkangiri in Odisha, whose wife Saniwari (Saturday) and their son, Budh (Wednesday) and two daughters Raviwari (both called Sunday) who survive on shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering.

The book makes you question if the lengths to which the poor go to meet their basic needs gives them a sense of living in a free country. Their bondage to fate has changed little irrespective of whether the British ruled India or Indians ruled India.

“Yet, their hard work, their dignity in the face of such circumstances, and their quest for self-reliance begs one question. Is there anything these people cannot achieve if given the right opportunities?”

The subsequent sections are about lenders and crooks, powerful landlords and despots in a maze of exploitation, the Kafkaesque of bureaucracy, banks and police as well as poets and artists. The final part is about how the poor fight back with very little means.  Terrific stories of illiterate women running stone quarries to destroying illegal country wine-shops.  Stories of forest revival by communities to women cycling their way to freedom give reasons for so much hope.

There is a special section on poverty, press and development. Sainath is scathing on the role of the press, and rightly so. Ironically, when the book came out, at least there was a space for discourse around the grinding rural poverty in the print media. It has been quite a downhill since then. In the last decade, the front-page given to stories from India’s 6.4 lakh odd villages was less than 1%. Front page agriculture coverage in English dailies was less than 0.2% during the period from 2012-16, for a sector that employs half of the Indian population. It is as if this section simply does not exist for the mass media, including today’s vibrant social media space. Even here (the social media space) the poor, the Dalits, Adivasis and marginalized groups do the disappearing act except when passions flare around reservation  (another middle-class issue).  Is it not intellectual apartheid: a deep sense of antipathy for the vast majority in this country?

“More than a few doctors, having been trained at the expense of the poorest people in the world, settle abroad to address ailments of affluent Americans. So some of the most deprived, disease-ridden people subsidize the health of the richest”

In “Everybody Loves a Good Drought”, the class structure then seems evident: the elite and the poor.  The equations of poverty and issue reporting have got complicated since then. Today there is a burgeoning middle class acting as a buffer between the elite and the vast majority of Indian poor, be it in remote villages or pulling the rickshaw on our streets. Take any issue today that gets the attention of the public, it would invariably involve the interests and the grievances of India’s middle class. Incidentally, with the rise of the Indian middle class, the space for India’s poor in the general consciousness has shrunk so rapidly that until and unless there is a farmer agitation or a large number of distress suicides, we are incapable of even looking at the direction of our hinterlands.

Sainath was also critical of the many NGOs functioning in rural India back then. While the growth of NGOs has been steady in rural India, it has just sky-rocketed in the urban space during this period.  The vast majority of do-gooders in the sector are driving all changes in the urban spheres far away from the places where India’s most marginalised population live. Another blind spot there!

The book has about 450 pages and after a point, you actually feel like giving up. How much misery should the poor endure? Then there is a big physical barrier between our cities and our far-flung villages. Many of us have never seen those people. Maybe for a start, we don’t even have to go to a remote village to identify them. Let us just look around; you will find them teeming on the streets. What desperation must have pushed them from the country-side to come and live in horrendous condition under flyovers, slums and on the side of the road? Sainath’s book is a good start to know that.

It is a recommended read in more than a 100 universities across the world. The book or at least parts of it must be made mandatory in all schools and colleges in India. Any perception of India without understanding its vast rural population is only a peripheral insight into the country. Serious public discourse is long due. This complete shunning of our rural populace is not just unethical and immoral as a nation but against the very principle on which India was founded. Until and unless our rural populace is empowered, India’s development will remain a mirage.

“At the end of many months of recording their strategies, only one answer stood out: with basics in place (a genuine land reform, education, health and equal opportunities), they can and will change their world. And ours.”

You might not like everything you read but “Everybody Loves a Good Drought” is a mirror to the larger Indian society; a peep into the soul of India and unfortunately it is not a very pleasant sight.

The post P. Sainath’s ‘Everybody Loves A Good Drought’ Is A Crucial Account Of Our Poorest Villages appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Exclusive: Umar Khalid Says #BhimaKoregaon Arrests A Crackdown On Dissent

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JNU scholar and a youth icon Umar Khalid, who has been the voice of dissent since the 2016 JNU row and recently survived a gunshot outside the Constitution Club of India (CCI), spoke to me on the recent developments and the repeated attempts by the Centre to subvert the constitutional commitment towards Right to express.

On Tuesday, homes of nine renowned activists were searched, and five of them were arrested by police officials in a multi-city raid. There were allegations that these activists were associated with banned Maoist organisations and were allegedly conspiring to topple the government. The raids and arrests have once again sparked a national debate on the status of dissent India.

Lately, in India, those who have been critical of the government have been attacked either physically or online- through threats and constant trolling. Public intellectuals and journalists like Shujaat Bukhari, Narendra Dabholkar and Gauri Lankesh have been assassinated for speaking truth to power.

Q1: Being associated with academics yourself, what do you feel when you see professors, journalists and activists getting arrested? 

Umar: See, this is not the first time that something like this has happened. It reminds me of what happened in JNU two years ago. What we have seen in the past few days and this will increase in the coming days.. that there is a ploy, there is a plot to create a fabricated narrative, to create fictitious enemies of the state and to hide the real problems of the people and divert attention away from them. So, yesterday it was portrayed that JNU is the biggest threat to the unity and the integrity of the nation. What do we see? That two and a half years after the arrests, after all the sensationalism of the media which has continued till today. In two and a half years, the police are not able to file something as basic as a chargesheet so that the trial can begin. And once again we see there is an attempt to sort of twist the narrative of what happened in Bhima Koregaon.
There was an attempt to twist the narrative since day one. So first it was said that Umar and Jignesh are responsible for it because of their inciting speeches. But, that could not sustain. Then they brought this entire story, a concoction of a Maoist involvement and then subsequently a plot to assassinate the prime minister. We had arrests in June, and now we have more arrests today. So, on the one hand, there is an attempt to divert attention from the real issue of Bhima Koregaon, on the other hand there is also an attempt to divert the attention from the failures of the Modi government.

Q2. When these crackdowns happen, they happen on the basis of intimidation. Is there a pattern that you see in here?

Umar: That’s what in this case at least, the people who were arrested, or who the police tried to arrest, two of them were lawyers. Arun Ferreira and Sudha Bharadwaj, so they would have been trained in the intricacies of laws and the constitution. Even the others were activists, so they would also know. But if this happens to a common person, you can imagine the plight of that person.

Corrupt, anti-people, and anti-poor government is now trying to divert the attention away, and it is targeting those people who are standing up for the poor, who are standing up against corruption, and who are questioning the government. I believe these kind of crackdowns are going to intensify every day.

In fact, the Supreme Court and Delhi High Court noted that Police did not even have the proper papers and did not follow the proper procedures while arresting these activists. But, I think intimidation today, starts much before these arrests. It begins with the media trials and online trolling that are targeted against the people who are criticising Modi. For example, in my case, I have two FIRs with me. In both the cases, the allegation against me was based on from TV debates. It was as if the script had been written in studios. And I see the same thing being vindicated again. Republic TV has been demonising Gautam Navlakha as well as Sudha Bharadwaj for about 2-3 months, calling them all kinds of things like ‘tukde tukde’ gang, Maoist conspirators, etc. Sudha Bharadwaj even sent a legal notice to Republic TV, when the channel defamed her. It seems that they have picked up the news channels, so it’s like a collusion that is happening. Our institutions, be it Police or media, are being overtaken by the RSS. Media channels might be private channels, but because a BJP MP Rajeev Chandrashekhar directly funds republic TV this collusion is very brazen now.

Q3. Since you have brought out the problem of the media- we live in a democratic space, what do you feel is the role of the media to ensure that India thrives as a functional democracy?

Umar: I think the biggest challenge in India today is the danger to democracy, and that’s not just me saying. Even four SC judges in an unprecedented press conference noted that there is a threat to the Democracy in India. They were saying this with reference to the government’s interference in the functioning of the Apex Court. Even by watching what has been unfolding in the country and the media houses, one is to locate that it is the most massive attack on democracy because media is the fourth pillar of democracy. Every attack on the press is an attack on democracy.So two things are happening- one is that section of the media abandoning their ethics with a lot of shameless pride. Their journalistic duties are to question people in power. But, instead, they are becoming spokespersons of those in power. That is not something that media channels are supposed to do.

Secondly, while on the one hand you have journalists completely sold off, few refuse to sell out and succumb. Such journalists are being threatened in many ways.However, I think one of the most positive things that have emerged over the last four years despite its negative effect as well, is social media and I think portals like yours [Youth Ki Awaaz] and many others which are not controlled by the kind of big money that floats and makes easier for the government to control. I hope that all of those who are concerned about the democracy, media houses that are concerned about democracy play a journalistic role in true spirit.

Q4. Considering that you have worked with tribal rights and your research is based on that, do you think that the reason for people working for tribal rights or minority rights, are being silenced because of the government- working hand in hand with major corporations like Vedanta or Reliance?

Umar: Absolutely, and the fifth schedule of the Indian Constitution says that the land that belongs to tribals cannot be given over without the consent of the tribals. What do we see instead the government doing? In fact, the previous government also did that, I am not going to give a clean chit [to Congress].” 

BJP has intensified this much more aggressively in the last few four years. The government is giving forest lands to multinational corporations, outing the Indian Constitution most blatantly. This is why you have this entire crisis in tribal regions where you have protests happening.  Not just in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Maharashtra, we even saw this in Tuticorin in Tamil Nadu how the base of Vedanta, the police shot down people, shot down poor people.

Frankly speaking,  today feels like the return of the ‘Company Raj’, earlier it was the East India Company, now it is Reliance group of companies and Adani group of companies and Vedanta.

Q5. In the recent arrests those who have been fighting for tribal rights have been targeted. Do you think these arrests took place because the corporates felt threatened? Since these corporates are big funders of the government, do you think this is why the arrests have happened?

Umar: I’ll slightly digress before answering your question. Look at someone like Sudha Bharadwaj. She gave up her American citizenship and came back to India. She doesn’t live in a place like Delhi or Mumbai, but goes to Bilaspur and lives with people. She works for the most marginalised section of the society and provides legal assistance to oppressed people. But, today she is being portrayed as someone who is against the nation. It’s so shameless, that someone like Arnab Goswami, who never comes out of his air-conditioned studio, earns in crores, moves with Z+ security, and is pliant because he doesn’t love the nation but loves only money, is calling people like Sudha Bharadwaj anti-national, working against the interest of the country. Nothing can be more farcical than that.

I only get angry when I look at this entire thing. The kind of life Sudha Bharadwaj lived, where she gave up privileges to work for the poor, is not a dream that corporates want to sell. In fact, 99.9% of the people do not realise the dreams that the corporates want to sell in the first place. It is something that you become acquisitive; you acquire your gains pushing out all of this. Just like they push out all adivasis to acquire mineral resources and lands. This is why people like Sudha Bharadwaj will always become a threat to the corporations. And yes the government is working on the base of corporations.

Adani has given [Modi] so much support in the last few years. Let’s not forget before 2002 riots Adani was a small-time businessman in Gujarat. It was at a time when the Gujarat Chamber of Commerce was going against Modi for the 2002 riots. That is when Adani supported Modi and fortunes changed after that. He was given crores, Special Economic Zones, all kinds of natural resources in India. He rose to become one of the most prominent capitalists of the country. He has now contracts across the world, and it’s not only Indians, even in Australia people are protesting against Adani for the ecological damage some of his projects are doing there.

So, it is like Modi is paying back Adani for his investment in Modi’s campaign. And, the dedicated activists who have worked for the downtrodden for decades are being put behind bars. I mean if this is not emergency and fascism, then what is?

Q6. How important is it in a democracy to be able to voice your dissent? What is the current status or how much space do people have for dissent in the country at the moment?

Umar: See, the government is trying very hard to take away our right to dissent. However, I would congratulate all of us for not letting the government do that.  First, they went after universities and then polarised Hindu-Muslim. This was followed by several episodes of mob lynching and attacks on minorities, on Dalits. Now, they are going after human rights activists and public intellectuals. Rationalists and intellectuals like Dabholkar to Gauri Lankesh have been assassinated. Every time they have tried to silence the voice, or every time they have tried to attack an institution, it’s so heartening to see that so many people have risen up and called out the injustice.

When we talk about dissent, we have to understand that we are a country of 130 crore people, it’s impossible for everyone to agree on every change or any change. I mean, such a significant population will always disagree, and that is what keeps our democracy vibrant and dull. It’s not possible for 130 crore people of India to have one culture, one religion, one language, one thought, one kind of food habit. This is the diversity of India, but RSS ideology is that one nation, one culture, one religion, one language. It’s inherently a violent project, to enforce this project you have to eliminate those who don’t fit in. For them, the vast majority of Indian population does not fit in their idea of a Hindu Rashtra. Someone does not fit because of his or her caste; someone does not fit because of his or her religion, someone for sexuality, someone for language, someone’s food habits or for someone’s political thoughts. So, this is why I call it a fascist project.

(Umar Khalid is currently pursuing a P.Hd on Adivasis in Singhbhum, Jharkhand from Jawaharlal Nehru University)

The post Exclusive: Umar Khalid Says #BhimaKoregaon Arrests A Crackdown On Dissent appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

If Having A Conscience Makes Me An Urban Naxal, I’ll Gladly Wear The Tag #MeTooUrbanNaxal

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For the ‘children’ of India who had the fortune to go to school, our conventional textbooks on political science have forged a standard definition of democracy – A form of government in which the rulers are elected by the people through universal adult franchise.

I was one among these children, among us who are supposedly grown up now and are reading this today. I learnt this definition by heart and was highly struck by what I thought was such innocent, straightforward and confident vision of ourselves.

But those who struggled against difficult tides and somehow managed to continue their education in colleges and universities begin to realise that standards stand in the way. Like hurdles. Like hollow walls disguised as fallacious pillars of truth.

And these hollow walls are now beginning to crack, down the middle. Because what this definition of democracy tries to blind us from are the atrocities committed by a majoritarian regime, the existence of disenfranchised social minorities living hand to mouth, and the devious violation of the Rule of Law itself.

Yes, I have written these words with a sound mind full of consciousness and if that makes me an “urban naxal”, I will gladly wear the tag. Because I am Dissent, the safety valve of the pressure cooker called democracy.

I have both Marx and Lord Krishna in my book shelf, both Ambedkar and Savarkar in my laptop, both Phule and Goddess Kali on my wall, both songs of Gaddar and Lord Ganesh on my playlist and both sindoor and torn jeans on my body. I am a world of both’s and beyond. What I am not is a pressure cooker that will burst.

In the Bhima Koregaon raids that took place on 29 August, 2018, the homes of nine individuals that were raided by Pune police were those of professors, lawyers, social and cultural activists, human rights defenders, writers, journalists and poets. A rational thinking mind out there is asking an urgent and worrying question: Is the Indian State apparatus trying to make an implicit statement to its young people that anyone who is a student or aspirant of these vocations must rethink their careers and give up their calling?

I am a graduate of Journalism and English and currently pursuing higher studies in Sociology. Should I feel marginalized and unhopeful about social and economic opportunities, like a naxal would?

A closer look at the work of the nine individuals reveals that they are the voices that resist the everyday oppression and brutality committed against Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim, women and landless people of this country. They have consciously dedicated their lives to the cause of social justice, in newspapers, books and courtrooms, away from the comforts of white collar jobs that they are otherwise fully qualified for.

Is this a message to more than half of India’s population who are under 25 years old, that they must forget Babasaheb Ambedkar’s vision for social equality in scripting their future? Is so called corporate social responsibility going to remain as the only pseudo alternative to real social change?

Most of all, the manner in which the Pune Police barged into people’s residences, seized their data and devices in their absence and turned their homes upside down is not only a violation of legal procedure but a gross individual human rights violation. The National Human Rights Commission has taken suo motu cognizance of this high-handedness of the State’s law and order agency.

Forget vocation or social justice, our very right to speak, write, think and choose is in danger today, so much that our human self itself is being confiscated. We are no longer subjects of our government but objects of the authoritarian State, alienated from our free will – if we are Dissent.

Surely, one must condemn and oppose any move to hatch violent plots for communal riots or assassinations of eminent members of society, as is being argued against five of these nine individuals. But the Pune Police chose to bypass investigation and booked the five activists under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act which is a harsh anti-terror law. The Supreme Court showed courage and came down heavily upon the question of these ‘random arrests’ while hearing a petition seeking protection of civil liberties and dissent under Article 32 of the Constitution.

Meanwhile, the notorious Sambhaji ‘Bhide Guruji’ roams free despite being booked under measured charges of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and attempt to murder under the Indian Penal Code.

When I contrast these scenarios, the message is stark naked. Anyone who challenges right wing fascist elements will be targeted while lynch mobs will be protected from the law. In other words, democracy is no longer about treating the most marginalized social minority on par with majorities but about imposing majoritarianism – one ideology, one religion and one dictator. It, therefore, ceases to be a democracy.

So, I deduce that we have two options before us to resolve the crisis at hand.

One: All those who want to protect the ideals enshrined in the preamble of our Constitution must unite and lead a socio-cultural and political uprising before the powers that be, in the name of our own future. We must act soon, before the nexus between political leaders and crony capitalists becomes so strong that they take over the little faith we have left in our judiciary. Before we they steal our identities and space for dissent.

Two: Scrap all our current school textbooks and introduce a new one. Just one book with one page and one picture – a burst pressure cooker with the caption: ‘Democracy gone, Fascist Dictatorship has arrived.’

 (Anju Rao Guddugurki is a postgraduate student of Sociology at the University of Hyderabad. She was NSUI’s presidential candidate for UoH Student Union Elections 2017-18).

The post If Having A Conscience Makes Me An Urban Naxal, I’ll Gladly Wear The Tag #MeTooUrbanNaxal appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

From Kalki Koechlin To Aditi Mittal, This New Book Features India’s Most Powerful Feminist Voices

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‘We don’t want to be your Madonna, and we don’t want to be your whore. We don’t want to be your ghar ki izzat, and we don’t want to be your office ki shaan. We want to be us. Start seeing women as human beings. That would be awesome.’

This quote from an interview with Aditi Mittal, in the book Feminist Rani, co-authored by Shaili Chopra and Meghna Pant, summed up my experience of reading it and identifying myself as a feminist. Things like agency, consent, equality in our public and private lives seem as common sense. And yet, women around the world continue to be relegated to the sidelines, sexually harassed, paid far less than their male counterparts across professions, shamed for the bodies they inhabit, judged for their actions… the list goes on, really.

Feminist Rani is a collection of interviews featuring the likes of Kalki Koechlin, Gul Panag and Rana Ayyub, Gurmehar Kaur and Malishka Mendosa to Shree Gauri Sawant and Tanmay Bhat. These are people who have advocated for gender equality and women’s rights through their work. Most of the interviewees identified feminism as the freedom to be themselves, to live their most authentic lives. What is the biggest challenge that keeps people from achieving something so fundamental in present-day India?

Shaili Chopra, also the founder of SheThePeople.TV, one of India’s largest digital storytelling spaces dedicated to women at work, feels that speaking up for themselves and having people believe in them is not a part of most women’s lives.

She says, “Our normative values are patriarchal and discriminatory especially when it comes to freedom of speech. The women interviewed tell us how they live on their own terms. And hopefully, the narrative of the battles they fought, how they overcame them will inspire and fire new thoughts in all those who are silently internalising and dealing with stereotypes and discrimination.”

The idea of the book was seeded in the events organised by SheThePeople.TV. Issues like feminism and fashion, body shaming, safe spaces, inclusive spaces and others were discussed with eminent speakers. The book is a culmination of the many on ground shows. Meghna Pant, also the author of several tomes of fiction, adds that the book exists because the need exists. Because unlike the West, India’s feminist history is widely undocumented, undefined and unknown.

“It’s unclear when feminism in India even began. Did it begin in religion where Indian goddesses, such as Durga, Saraswati and Laxmi, are as equally revered as the gods? Did it begin in the sexual agency of The Kama Sutra? Was it when Raja Ram Mohan Roy abolished Sati? Or when Sarojini Naidu asked for women’s voting rights in 1919? Or when Mahatma Gandhi started the Stree Shakti (women power) movement? Or when Savitribai Phule fought for caste, education and social upliftment? How can we women of India know ourselves when we don’t even know our own history, which has been conveniently documented by men? Isn’t it time we took ownership of our stories and weaved them into the history of our nation? Feminist Rani is the outcome of such repression, an answer to understanding gender issues and the role women play in modern India,” she informs.

Reasserting Aditi’s earlier point, Meghna points out that women in India exist only in binaries. She is either an abla nari or krantikaari, a devi or dayan, a virgin or a whore. This book provides context and definition and discusses everything from rape to body shaming, trolling to motherhood, sexual agency to female friendships. It debunks the stereotypes associated with the word feminism and provides a fresh interpretation. The book advocates gender equality without making it preachy or trying to be palatable to the naysayers.

“Feminism is not about preaching to the converted. It’s about inclusion, intersectionality, and accessibility. It includes everyone: women, men, children and the LGBTQI … anyone who is human! In India, 1 in 3 women are victims of domestic abuse, every hour a woman is killed over dowry, and every 14 minutes a woman in our country is raped. Feminism in India is therefore needed to defend the social, political, economic and cultural rights of women, especially in rural areas where women face ghastly social inequality and discrimination. How can these numbers alone not sensitise a human being? In fact, I don’t understand why someone would not want to be a feminist.”

Meghna Pant and Shaili Chopra

The internet is like a common thread between most of the people featured in this book. While for some, it has been a tremendous cause of empowerment, the others have been viscously trolled and threatened on the web. I ask the authors how the internet can be effectively used to champion the feminist movement.

Shaili says, “I believe, in the recent times, the internet has pushed for feminism to thrive. From the wildfire-like #MeToo movement and its spread around the world to women led marches, to content focussed on women, to skilling and empowering women, the internet has opened new opportunities and new skills.”

Meghna adds that while social media and the smartphones have enabled women to speak out against discrimination and harassment, these tools have not altered their reality. Women still face hostility and doubt if they speak out. They feel that it’s always easier to remain silent – “What can be done by women, by men and by institutions to break this culture of silence and inaction? What call-to-action should be taken? How do we use social media for positive impact? How do we counter violent and extremist narratives online? The book answers these questions, using real-life examples like Rana Ayyub’s brilliant comeback to trolling.”

In the context of women championing the cause of feminism, popular activists like actress Asia Argento (one of the leading women behind the #MeToo movement) and New York University Professor Avital Ronnel were recently accused of sexual abuse. Does this put the feminist movement at a backfoot?

Shaili thinks that we need to stop making one or two examples or reasons for an overhaul of the feminist movement. She asks, “There have been hundreds of men who led Ponzi schemes but did that put a question mark on all men on Wall Street? We have had cases of impropriety but are those men behind bars? Let’s not, use a magnifying glass at a time when Argento’s story is out.”

The authors believe feminism and the feminist movement need to flourish in India. The question is, will it? Because it is really not about one person’s definition of feminism against someone else’s. And it will take consistent efforts of women supporting women, men supporting women so as to deconstruct mental barriers to our understanding of feminism.

Shaili admits, “I don’t expect a loud thud of change , but I do feel this will be a silent revolution, one progressive woman at a time.”

The post From Kalki Koechlin To Aditi Mittal, This New Book Features India’s Most Powerful Feminist Voices appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.


What It Is Like To Be The Son Of An Activist In Jharkhand

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Beginning with very blurry memories of 1996 when I was just five years old: Back in those years, there was an ongoing struggle led by AJSU (All Jharkhand Student Union) for a separate state of Jharkhand, which was then a part of Bihar. My father, my baba Ghanshyam Birulee, was an active member of AJSU from his college days. People who were active in the struggle were listed as “wanted”. I can still recollect, though very little, some nights in my childhood which were spent without my father, not knowing he is going underground to keep himself safe somewhere.

With my father, during my photo exhibition at the International Uranium Film Festival in Tatanagar, 2014.

My baba is a great storyteller, and one such night when we were all ears listening to my father’s story, we suddenly heard the haunting siren of a police jeep. My maa rushed in and asked my father to hide himself in the “Aading”, which is a sacred room which only family members could enter. My sister and I had no idea what was happening. Soon after, we heard loud knocks on the door. My maa opened the door and I could see everything from the bedroom. There were five men in khaki with guns on them asking about my baba in a very aggressive manner. My maa responded to them in our native language which the policemen couldn’t understand properly. She warned them that they could search for him, but cannot enter our sacred room.  If they did so, it would be a serious violation of our traditional beliefs and they would be punished in the court of the village Gram Sabha. Moreover they would be charged with a fine of four black hen and a white cock. They couldn’t dare to enter our home, but for years I would get mortified by wailing sirens and policemen.

Baba was concerned with a lot of social issues, the effects of radiation from uranium mining in Jadugoda being one of them. Initially, my father worked as an apprentice in the Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL). However, after learning of the consequences of their work, he chose to quit his apprenticeship. He then initiated the Jharkhandi Organization Against Radiation (JOAR) and is still working devotedly for the betterment of the affected villagers in Jadugoda. JOAR is the first organization to raise a voice against the adverse effects of uranium mining in India. For its long term contribution towards the people and the environment, JOAR was honoured with the prestigious Nuclear Free Future Award in 2004. I was a very proud son, my baba was my hero and I admired what what he was doing. So being an activist’s son, it would seem obvious for me to follow in his footsteps. However, I was never asked or expected to get involved in activism.

With Achai Baskey of Rajdoha village. He is a mentally and physically disabled child.

Ever since I was a kid, I would tag along with him to meetings with activists and other such gatherings, idling on his lap while he discussed the grave concerns and issues faced by our people which were left unacknowledged by the government. Little did I know about the living circumstances of the natives of Jadugoda, also said to be the best kept secret of India. The one thing I was aware of, was that my father is a fighter, he is fighting for the rights of the community he belongs to. One of the most important lessons I have learned from baba is of being brave, standing tall and strong for one’s rights, even if one has to stand alone.

Baba Never Taught Me How To Be An Activist; He Only Inspired Me To Become One

I was always glad to be his helping hand and with my broken English and fluency in local dialects, I was the mediator to his visitors; most of them foreign activists and photojournalists. I had the privilege of spending time with protestors and social impactors from around the world, but I was still not fully integrated into this world and well aware of the issues they dealt with. Baba let me dictate my own pace to my destiny that is still in the making.

Interpreting for a Japanese visitor who came to meet us in 2001.

A Coin Has Two Sides

I was sent away to study in a convent school when I was five, because baba wanted to keep me from the darkness of the cancerous radiations coming from the untreated Uranium dump in the vicinity of our village. It had already impaired and killed many natives of Jadugoda, including my own grandparents. My father had a choice to not protest, but choose to grow individually and bring us up like a normal family. However, he had a larger picture in mind for the betterment of the present and future generations to come.

I too, had a lot of situations of dilemma while choosing something which doesn’t promise or guarantee a stable life. But I have inherited a deep understanding from my baba that when your people, your land, your forest and river need you the most, you have to give up your most cherished dreams. It may be easy for me to say this because I have a supporting family, but it’s hard at the same time because I don’t have any other alternative apart from fighting for my own people’s rights. I have witnessed my own relatives and villagers dying because of radiation. Living in such a danger zone, there are possibilities that I could become the next victim of radiation.

Anamika Oraon, for the first time in my frame
Anamika Oraon during a health camp in 2015.

It was in 2011 when I got my first meaningful exposure to photojournalism while working on a documentary project about the Subarnarekha river of Jharkhand. Later that year, I got to work with Mr. Hajime Kimura, a Japanese photojournalist who wanted to document Jadugoda. Since it is a highly restricted area for a foreigner to click around freely, I got the opportunity to capture some pictures wherever he could not, but unfortunately that project wasn’t completed.

A while later, a great mentor and close friend Shriprakash, a documentary filmmaker and a National Award Winner, suggested that I make a documentary on my own. Being from Jadugoda, I would be able to capture it with an emotional lens that only a dweller can perceive. What the village has gone through? How it turned from being beautiful and fulfilling to an alluring and dangerous place to live in? I also started documenting for our organization to help with data collection.

In 2013, I got the chance to exhibit my yearlong work at the International Uranium Film festival (IUFF), Ranchi. My work was appreciated and well received and was further exhibited at the Museum of Art in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 2013. I had even more opportunities to exhibit my photos in Canada, Japan and in different regions of India. It has always been my motive to spread more awareness in all possible ways, that whatever suffering we, the Jadugoda people are going through, shouldn’t be faced by any other communities and groups. I also know this isn’t enough, I still have a lot to experience, learn and a lot to offer to the society as an activist and a photojournalist.

Siblings Olabati and Duniya Oraon.

I cannot forget what I’ve learnt from my baba, which is “To realize a change in society, bring the change upon you first.” We as common people tend to ignore and overlook issues until we feel like we can’t escape them, rather than standing together to fight for what we deserve. Make people aware of their rights, surroundings and their duties as a civilian; keep them alert and aware to achieve a greater participation in ongoing and future protests against anything unfair.

Last but not the least, I also learned with experience that holding on to our Adivasi culture, beliefs and our language makes us stronger and united and discourages the perpetrators from violating us.

The post What It Is Like To Be The Son Of An Activist In Jharkhand appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

My Visit To IKEA Reminded Me Of A Pilgrimage To Tirumala

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Long ago, I, along with my family, undertook a pilgrimage to Tirumala, the hill temple of Lord Venkateswara. We were part of a multitude of devotees who thronged the shrine to have a darshan of the Lord. We waited in successive compartments for several hours and thereafter made our way through long barricaded paths to reach the sanctum of the temple to have a glimpse of the presiding deity.

Ever since there has been a lot of change in my thoughts and beliefs and over time I became an atheist.

After many years I relived a similar experience when I visited the newly opened IKEA store in Hyderabad. On the third day after the store was thrown open to the shoppers, my wife and I rode our two-wheeler to reach the store. As we neared the store, a ‘Parking Full’ board greeted us. We managed to find a parking space a little distance away from the store and walked to its entrance. The people who thronged the mall were sent into separate compartments based on their gender and marital status – men, women and families.

After security screening, we were directed into long barricaded paths. The sight of the people waiting in serpentine queues reminded me of my long forgotten pilgrimage to Tirumala. Though we were right in the vicinity of the IKEA ‘temple’, we felt we were far away from the sanctum and the ‘pilgrim’s progress’ was proving to be long and arduous. On the way to the sanctum, we received free water bottles to quench our walking-induced thirst.

Finally, we entered the sanctum, the glittering store which appeared to be the very embodiment of the ‘free market’ shrine, in which the various ‘avatars’ of the presiding deity called consumerism – right from gleaming chairs to feather soft sofas – were on resplendent display. Even the models of heavenly spaces called IKEA living room and bedroom were on display. While all the pious devotees of the free market appear to have been captivated by the aura of the products that seem to last for an eternity, some less pious people, who were preoccupied with narcissistic love for transient bodies, were busy taking selfies. The shoppers, armed with their purchasing power, marched hand in hand with their children, who are already endowed with the status of being the ‘evolving consumers’ armed with their ‘nagging powers’.

I and my wife, with our lower-middle class mentality strongly entrenched in our minds, were reluctant to buy any things as we don’t have any space to put them in our two-room rented apartment. And the fact that we did not bring our highly brand conscious teenage son with unparalleled nagging abilities to the mall made us heave a sigh of relief. While we were moving around the IKEA abode, we expected to get some sanctified food, the famed Swedish meatballs in the 1000-seater restaurant. As the restaurant was already jam-packed, we could not derive the satisfaction of having partaken the prasad. Finally, we both exited the store without buying anything and without even relishing the meatballs making ourselves ineligible for attaining the consumerist Nirvana.

While exiting the store, I felt that religion and the free market society have many commonalities. They both have enormous power to control the masses by distracting them away from real issues. Religion, to exercise control over the people, shepherds them towards a mirage called God and frightens them with a stick called hell even while alluring them with the carrot known as heaven. The free-market capitalism uses the same technique. It controls the people by herding them towards an elusive ‘quality of life’ and offers them the comfort of consumption even while frightening them with the prospect of not being able to earn enough and clear their debts. Both of them piously safeguard the interests of the rich and the elite while solacing the have-nots with the promise of heaven and ‘trickle-down’, which remain ever elusive. Both religion and free market cause unending misery triggering prejudice, bloodshed, bubbles and recessions which ultimately show their impact on the have-nots, and let the rich and elite go scot-free. However, the high priests of religion and free-market – the clergy and the economists – keep telling us that there are no alternatives to these two things and they ultimately lead us towards spiritual and economic salvation.

So we have another mall, a superstore, which will become another shopping-cum-hang around place for rich and middle-class urban dwellers. In the absence of parks, woods or community centers they don’t have anywhere to go to derive recreation. The only places they can hang around are the malls, where they can indulge in retail therapy to de-stress themselves. And while going on a spending spree and bragging about their possessions on the social media, they are oblivious to the fact that they are triggering the feeling of relative deprivation among the minds of their not so well-to-do peers, which has the potential to trigger societal unrest.

Whether it is spiritual nirvana or consumerist nirvana, they only offer elusive heaven and high quality of life by creating things that add only cosmetic value to our lives. The true nirvana could be attained by creating real value to the society, which could be generated by investing in social infrastructure and adopting sustainable living practices. Then only we can leave this mother earth in good condition to the future generations.

The post My Visit To IKEA Reminded Me Of A Pilgrimage To Tirumala appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Valuable Lessons State-Level Universal Health Coverage Schemes Have For Ayushman Bharat

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By Rachita Vora and Smarinita Shetty:

Founder of Karuna Trust and VGKK, Padma Shri Dr H Sudarshan has been at the forefront of reforming the health system in Karnataka. While the initial decades of his working life were dedicated to working with tribal communities, Dr Sudarshan has since worked across health, education, and livelihoods in several states across India. As the founder-trustee of the Suvarna Aarogya Swasthya Trust (SAST), he has several years of hands-on experience in designing and providing universal health coverage to the people of Karnataka.

In this interview with IDR, Dr Sudarshan talks about the valuable lessons that state level universal health coverage schemes have to offer to Ayushman Bharat, particularly in light of its scheduled launch this September. 

Q: You’ve been a big proponent of health insurance versus health assurance. Could you tell us a bit more?

A: In a country like India, where a bulk of our population is below the poverty line, we need health assurance, and not health insurance.

Health assurance means that the government or a quasi-government body will manage the health coverage process (manage the funds, empanel the doctors, and settle the claims) so that all citizens are covered under the scheme.

This model of health assurance or what we call Universal Health Coverage (UHC) has been tried in Karnataka—starting with the Vajpayee Arogyashree scheme—and has been successful with almost 6.5 crore people in the state who are now covered under it. The scheme was set up to bridge the gap in provision of tertiary care, particularly in rural areas. Suvarna Arogya Suraksha Trust (SAST) was set up to run it, and it was rolled out in a phased manner.

When we set up SAST we incorporated lessons from the failings of the Rajiv Arogyashree—which was first implemented in Andhra Pradesh in 2008. And I think our experience in Karnataka has learnings for other states as they implement Ayushman Bharat, which draws heavily from SAST, and Aarogyasrirun by the government of Andhra Pradesh (AP), which enabled BPL families to obtain healthcare services at government and private hospitals free of cost.

Q: Given your experience in running SAST, what are some of the things that state governments should be paying attention to, as they seek to operationalise Ayushman Bharat?

A: There are few key learnings that are important if we want to make Ayushman Bharat achieve what it’s supposed to do, which is to provide universal health coverage for all.

1. Prioritise important procedures

In the initial days, the Aarogyasri scheme covered more than 1,200 procedures, including expensive ones like cochlear ear transplants that cost INR six to eight lakh per operation.

The number of procedures and the cost of covering them was very high, making it unviable for the AP government. The annual budget for managing this scheme was more than INR 1,000 crore and it had to be borne entirely by the state government.

Photo courtesy: Charlotte Anderson

Learning from this, we reduced the number of procedures to 450 ‘most essential’ ones in the state of Karnataka. We started with a budget of about ₹200 crores, which was affordable for the state. Over a period of time, this budget increased to ₹600 crores. This year we have a total budget of ₹1,000 crores. If Ayushman Bharat is operationalised, a big share will come from the central government.

2. Be aware of the avenues for fraud and put in adequate controls

Fraud can happen both at hospitals as well as at insurance companies. I had first-hand insight into the kinds of frauds that could be perpetrated when I was the vigilance director at Lokayukta in Karnataka from 2002-2005. Some of these included fraudulent claims, kickbacks in the claim settlement process, hospitals charging patients despite them having insurance plans, and so on.

To reduce fraud at the hospital level, at SAST all claims were settled via electronic transfer of money directly to the hospitals; there were no kickbacks or commissions.

SAST, and now Ayushman Bharat, are supposed to be completely cashless schemes—patients are not required to pay anything if they are covered. However, some hospitals still make some patients pay despite the fact that they are not allowed to charge the patient at all. To prevent it from happening we need good fraud control against such practices.

In the case of states that have the RSBY programme through insurance companies, the premium is paid by the state government.  The insurance companies are supposed to be selected through a tendering process that ensures that the state government gets the best deal for their people. However, given how powerful these companies are, there is likely to be corruption and fraud during both the selection as well as administration process.

3. Ensure settlements happen on time

We noticed that a few private hospitals and several government hospitals were not sending the claims of the patients covered under the scheme in time. At SAST, we penalised hospitals, and fined them if they didn’t put in their claims on time. This also served as an indicator to everyone that payment of claims on time was important to us; as a result, hospitals and patients were happy and spread the word, thereby ensuring more and more people availed of this benefit.

4. Reduce unnecessary paperwork

When SAST started the programme to cover the BPL population, we ensured that they could just use their BPL card rather than having a separate card just for insurance. This worked well as the most vulnerable and marginalised, including scheduled castes and tribes, started availing of the service, and we’ve seen utilisation among these groups grow with time. In Karnataka, 60% of the people are BPL.

5. Don’t tie up with insurance companies

The central government has stated that since many of the states may not have the existing know-how to run a trust like SAST, they should necessarily work with the insurance companies. I, however, am not in favour of involving insurance companies in a UHC scheme.

Most state governments are not empowered enough to negotiate fair terms from insurance companies; there is an imbalance between the clout and influence that insurance companies wield versus what the state governments are able to extract from them in terms of affordable premium rates and claims mechanisms.

I truly believe that working with quasi-government entities is much better than dealing with insurance companies, which focus entirely on revenues and profits. Hence, I would urge the states to focus on developing independent trusts like the SAST, whose mandate is to ensure universal coverage, instead of giving their budgets to insurance companies to manage the Ayushman Bharat scheme, even if it means that the process of doing so delays the launch of the programme by six to twelve months.

If setting up these trusts is not an option, then the capacity of state officials must be built so that they are knowledgeable about how insurance works, and can negotiate good terms and conditions. This would help ensure that the insurance companies don’t end up swindling money.

Another issue with insurance companies is their reluctance to settle claims of the healthcare provider (hospitals). They make money when the claims ratio goes down; it is, therefore, important to keep watch over how much they ‘save’. If they save too much money, then governments should have clauses to reduce the premium rates.

Q: Where is Karnataka now with respect to UHC?

A: I’m proud to say that SAST has now almost reached universal coverage. Almost all of Karnataka—a total of 6.5 crore people—will be covered under the SAST scheme. Everyone except perhaps those professionals with access to private insurance offered by their employers.

So, what began as a small community health insurance initiative of Karuna Trust, 14 years ago enabled us to develop the SAST programme for the state government. and has now become the blueprint for an all-India programme, albeit not quite like we had envisaged.

State level universal health coverage schemes can offer Ayushman Bharat—scheduled to launch this September—valuable lessons.


This article was originally published in India Development Review. You can view it here.

About the authors:

Rachita Vora: Rachita is Co-founder and Director at IDR. Before this, she led the Dasra Girl Alliance, an INR 250 crore multi-stakeholder platform that sought to empower adolescent girls in India. She has a decade of experience, and has spent the past eight years working in the areas of financial inclusion, livelihoods and public health. She has led functions across strategy, business development, communications and partnerships, and her writing has been featured in the Guardian, Stanford Social Innovation Review, Next Billion and Alliance Magazine. Rachita has an MBA from Judge Business School at Cambridge University and a BA in History from Yale University.

Smarinita Shetty: Smarinita is Co-founder and CEO at IDR. She has more than 20 years of experience leading functions across strategy, operations, sales and business development, largely in startup environments within corporates and social enterprises. Prior to IDR, Smarinita worked at Dasra, Monitor Inclusive Markets (now FSG), JP Morgan and The Economic Times. She also co-founded Netscribes–India’s first knowledge process outsourcing firm. Her work and opinion have been featured in The Economist, Times of India, Mint and The Economic Times. Smarinita has a BE in Computer Engineering and an MBA in Finance, both from Mumbai University.

The post Valuable Lessons State-Level Universal Health Coverage Schemes Have For Ayushman Bharat appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

4 Ways The Paternity Bill Will Fix Many Problems In The Maternity Benefit Act

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By Abhishek Desai:

In July 2017, Rajeev Satav, Member of Parliament from Hingoli in Maharashtra, introduced the Paternity Benefit Bill, 2017 in Lok Sabha. The bill would allow fathers up to three months of paid paternity leave and aims to “fix many problems” in the Maternity Benefit Act. But would such a bill be of any use, do we even need it? Yes, the bill has the potential to make a shift, and here are four reasons why we need it urgently:

1. Stop Reinforcing Stereotypical Gender Roles

From pink dolls for girls to blue cars for boys, we see gender roles constantly being reinforced in our everyday life since birth. The most glaring example of this is when mothers are expected to take care of the child, and fathers are expected to work. This happens more so, when the father cannot get a leave to look after the child, and child-rearing is assumed to be default the mother’s duty. This reinforces gender roles in our society, but also to the child who sees this as the norm, growing up. Having a paternity bill that grants men leave to spend time with their newborn child, and divide the duties of child-rearing, will be a step towards stopping such stereotypical gender roles from being reiterated.

2. Create Equal Grounds Of Hiring For Men And Women

With the maternity bill making it legally binding to give women a maternity leave, and an absence of such a provision for men to take off, it is an unfair playing field in the interview room. Female candidates are known to face a bias during the hiring process, and the lack of a paternity leave provision amplifies that. With a paternity leave provision in place, it will level the field for both men and women, as companies would be required to give offs to either of the candidates they hire.

3. Retain Women In The Workforce

Participation of women in the workforce in India is declining at an alarming rate, so much so that India ranks 120th among 131 nations, one of the lowest in female participation in the workforce, according to a 2017 World Bank report. This isn’t new, as the country’s female workforce participation rate has been considerably declining over the years, as 2018 Economic Survey states, from 36% in 2005-2006 to 24% 2015-2016.

Among a variety of reasons, like taking permission for work, attitudes towards working women, sexual harassment, safety, and discrimination, motherhood is a glaring one for women quitting jobs. In India, motherhood is considered to be something that women have to put before their own needs, mainly employment. Lack of a paternity leave provision means the burden of childcare duties entirely lays on the woman, and it often results in giving up work. A provision that allows men to also get time off work to involve themselves in dividing parental duties, will mean women maybe do not have to quit their jobs and drop from the workforce anymore. This can help bring about a shift in the ever-declining female workforce participation rate.

4. Improve Parent-Child Relationship

The benefits of having a paternity leave can go beyond breaking gender stereotypes and women not dropping from the workforce. 2 in 3 infants live in countries where dads are not entitled to a single day of paid paternity leave, according to a new June 2018 analysis by UNICEF. It also states that according to evidence “when fathers bond with their babies from the beginning of life, they are more likely to play a more active role in their child’s development.” Having a policy or provision like this in India which allows fathers to take time off to spend with their infants, will increase the chances of a meaningful relationship of the child with both parents.

Gender stereotypes, declining participation of women in the workforce, discrimination in the interview room and parent-child relationship are all complex issues. They require a collective effort from citizens and the government in various different spheres, changes in attitudes, approach and outlook, than just passing bills. However, having a provision that will allow men to take off to participate in childcare can pave the way in that direction.


The author is the Communications Manager at Haiyya, and takes a deep interest in issues of gender equity, equal rights, and sexuality. Haiyya is a grassroots campaigning and consulting organization working with young leaders, campaigners, and impact-driven organizations. Haiyya is focused towards building a leadership among youth to work for progressive change around social and political issues. Haiyya is inspired by the ‘community organizing’ framework developed by Professor Marshall Ganz from Harvard Kennedy School.

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Hear From The Lawyers Who Fought A Good Battle Against Section 377

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The Supreme Court of India legalised same-sex relations by partially decriminalising Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code on September 6, 2018. The five-judge constitutional bench in a unanimous judgment noted that the colonial law that bans consensual sex between same-sex individuals was ‘irrational, indefensible and manifestly arbitrary’. Chief Justice Of India Dipak Misra-led bench comprised of Justices R.F. Nariman, A.M. Khanwilkar, D.Y. Chandrachud and Indu Malhotra.

Overruling its own 2013 judgment where SC struck down Delhi High Court’s decision to decriminalise Section 377, the Apex court on Thursday pointed out that social morality that fails to accept homosexuality cannot be allowed to overpower constitutional morality that gives equal rights to everyone.

“In the garb of social morality, the members of the LGBT community must not be outlawed or given a step-motherly treatment of malefactor by the society. If this happens or if such a treatment to the LGBT community is allowed to persist, then the constitutional courts, which are under the obligation to protect the fundamental rights, would be failing in the discharge of their duty. A failure to do so would reduce the citizenry rights to a cipher,” noted the 493-page judgment of CJI Dipak Mira and A M Khanwilkar.

The lawyers who have been at the forefront of this battle to correct a historical error were jubilant about the verdict. Speaking to Youth Ki Awaaz, they exclaimed that ‘judiciary has lived up to its reputation of safeguarding the rights of every individual in the country irrespective of their caste, creed, religion, or sexual orientation’.

Historic Day When An Error Was Corrected

It’s been a long a fight for the LGBTQ+ community to get what they had been promised in the constitution but were denied due to Section 377 of the IPC that stems from archaic British law that penalises ‘sexual activities against the order of nature’. Thursday’s judgment will help many homosexuals and transsexuals to come out without the fear of being deemed as ‘criminals’.

Former Attorney General of India and counsel for classical dancer Navtej Singh Johar in the case said: “Firstly, we must thank CJI to hear this case on the priority basis and getting the justice promptly. Secondly, it’s a great day in our history as a Victorian law that has caused suffering to the LGBTQ+ community has been scrapped. SC has proved that India is a progressive and liberal country that is open to same sex relationships and is committed to safeguarding rights of every individual. The community, which is so minuscule in the country, is thrilled and celebrating because they don’t have to be in closets anymore. They won’t be regarded as criminals anymore.”

A Human Rights Consultant for the UN Menaka Guruswamy, who was appearing for IIT students, graduates and alumni, said, “The court in its decision has extended rights to equality, dignity, and liberty to the LGBTQ+ community. It’s a big moment for India has a whole because the constitution has reaffirmed constitutional morality over social morality. This has great relevance to the entire country.”

Madras High Court advocate Arvind Datar, who was appearing for an openly gay hotelier Keshav Suri, head of The Lalit group of hotels, noted “It’s a great victory for the community. Earlier, they were under the fear that they could be arrested any day over their sexual orientation. So, that fear has been uplifted. Secondly, it’s a great expansion of Article 21 where the right to choose a partner, whether of the same sex or opposite sex, has been reaffirmed.”

A founding member of Bengaluru-based Centre for Law and Policy Research, Jayna Kothari appeared for noted trans rights activist Akkai Padmashali. “From LGBT community to lawyers and activists, everyone is very happy and thrilled with the verdict. Section 377 was a big hurdle in the way of the LGBTQ+ community to achieve their rights and social and financial inclusion. Today was a major development, and now we have to look forward to changing perspectives,” noted Kothari.

Things Changed From 2013 Onwards

In 2009, Delhi HC upheld that Section 377 violates the fundamental rights. The decision faced strong opposition from various religious groups who later challenged the court’s judgment in the Apex court. Consequently, in 2013 SC struck down Delhi HC’s order and demotivated the community and those fighting for their rights. Five years later, the top court of the country reversed its previous judgment ushering the country into the new era of freedom and liberty.

“The 2013 judgment was a bad one. The court on the basis of majoritarian view and societal morality turned down Delhi HC’s decision of decriminalising Section 377. But over the years there have been many positive developments that culminated in today’s progressive verdict. NALSA 2014 judgment where the court declared transgender people to be a ‘third gender’ followed by the Right to Privacy verdict in 2017 were encouraging developments. Also, over the years, there has been good momentum on demand for LGBTQ+ rights. So, many things evolved in the past few years,” pointed out Rohatgi.

“In the last five years, the issue of LGBTQ+ rights have been raised very strongly. Especially after 2013 SC’s decision. Earlier, there wasn’t enough social awareness and society also gradually became a little more open to the community and recognised LGBT rights. Also, with the positive verdicts in NALSA and Right to Privacy, the court also has moved to a more liberal position,” noted Kothari.

“Many things changed from 2013 judgment. The first writ petition was filed in 2016, and the case was no longer on Public Interest Litigation. LGBT people came to court and argued their sufferings. That had a great impact,” said Guruswamy.

Way Forward

The lawyers unanimously asserted that while Thursday’s verdict was significant development towards ascertaining the rights of LGBTQ+ community; a lot has to be done.

“Judiciary has played it role by scrapping the archaic law. It will have a great impact on the inclusion of the LGBTQ+ community. The perspectives have to be changed, and that will take some time. But, the foundation has been laid today,” commented Rohatgi.

“Mindsets of people have to change, and it’s not going to happen overnight. Years of prejudices have to be changed, and changing that is a gradual process. Even in the US, after the court legalised consensual same-sex relationships, the society took years to mould their mindsets. The good thing is constitution has reaffirmed the rights of the community to choose their partner and not be discriminated on the basis of their sexual orientation,” pointed out Datar.

According to Kothari, “This is a major victory, and now the overall perspectives have to change. I believe we need an all-encompassing equality law that ensures the participation of LGBTQ+ community in employment, education, and other public spaces.”

The post Hear From The Lawyers Who Fought A Good Battle Against Section 377 appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Key Parts Of The Supreme Court’s Verdict That Decriminalised Section 377

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The Supreme Court of India on September 6 struck down colonial-era law that bans consensual sex between same-sex individuals. Striking down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, five-judge constitutional bench in a unanimous judgment noted that the law was ‘irrational, indefensible and manifestly arbitrary’.

Chief Justice Of India Dipak Misra-led bench comprising of Justices R.F. Nariman, A.M. Khanwilkar, D.Y. Chandrachud and Indu Malhotra, passed an historic verdict and put an end to a long battle for rights of LGBTQ+ community. In their judgments, justices made some very progressive remarks reaffirming the faith in the judicial system of the country. CJI has asked the government to publicise the judgment so that a behavioral change in the society can be brought.

Here are the highlights of the judgments( CJI and Justice Khanwilkar noted their judgment in the same draft):

CJI and Justice Khanwilkar

1. A person belonging to the LGBTQ+ community does not become an alien to the concept of individual and his individualism cannot be viewed with a stigma.
2. The purpose of having a Constitution is to transform the society for the better and this objective is the fundamental pillar of transformative constitutionalism.
3. The freedom that is required to be attached to sexuality still remains in the pavilion with no nerves to move. The immobility due to fear corrodes the desire to express one‘s own sexual orientation as a consequence of which the body with flesh and bones feels itself caged and a sense of fear gradually converts itself into a skeleton sans spirit.
4. In the garb of social morality, the members of the LGBT community must not be outlawed or given a step-motherly treatment of malefactor by the society. If this happens or if such a treatment to the LGBT community is allowed to persist, then the constitutional courts, which are under the obligation to protect the fundamental rights, would be failing in the discharge of their duty. A failure to do so would reduce the citizenry rights to a cipher.
5. We must not forget that the founding fathers adopted an inclusive Constitution with provisions that not only allowed the State, but also, at times, directed the State, to undertake affirmative action to eradicate the systematic discrimination against the backward sections of the society and the expulsion and censure of the vulnerable communities by the so-called upper caste/sections of the society that existed on a massive scale prior to coming into existence of the Constituent Assembly.

Justice J. Chandrachud

1. Tragedy and anguish inflicted by Section 377 should be remedied.Macaulay’s legacy exists 68 years after the coming of a liberal Constitution. Human instinct to love has been constrained. Sexual orientation has become a reason for blackmail on the Internet.
2. Sexuality must be construed as a fundamental experience through which individuals define the meaning of their lives.
3. “What is ‘natural’ and what is ‘unnatural’? And who decides the categorization into these two ostensibly distinct and water-tight compartments? Do we allow the state to draw the boundaries between permissible and impermissible intimacies between consenting adults?
4. “Section 377 is based on a moral notion that intercourse which is lustful is to be frowned upon.It does so, on the basis of a social hypocrisy which the law embraces as its own. It would have human beings accept a way of life in which sexual contact without procreation is an aberration and worse still, penal. It would ask of a section of our citizens that while love, they may, the physical manifestation of their love is criminal. This is manifest arbitrariness writ large.
5. LGBTQ possess full range of constitutional rights, including sexual orientation and partner choice, LGBTQ has equal citizenship and equal protection of laws.

Justice Indu Malhotra

1. History owes an apology to the members of this [LGBTQIA] community.
2. “Same-sex love is not a mockery of nature, but rather nature at play.To belong, not to the rule, not to the norm, but rather to the exception, to the minority, to the variety, is neither a symptom of degeneration nor of pathology,” she quoted Kurt Hiller’s speech.
3. The members of this [LGBTQ+] community were compelled to live a life full of fear of reprisal and persecution. This was on account of the ignorance of the majority to recognise that homosexuality is a completely natural condition, part of a range of human sexuality.
4. Homosexuality is a natural variant of human sexuality.

Justice R.F. Nariman

1. The fact that only a minuscule fraction of the country’s population constitutes lesbians and gays or transgenders, and that in the last 150 years, less than 200 persons have been prosecuted for committing the offence under Section 377, is neither here nor there.
2. homosexuality cannot be regarded as a mental disorder by taking recourse to the Mental Healthcare Act, as per which, the Parliament has recognised the same.
3. The Yogyakarta Principles animates Article 14. Homosexuals have a fundamental right to live with dignity, are entitled to be treated as human beings and imbibe the spirit of fraternity.
4. Government officials, police, to be given periodic sensitisation campaigns.

The post Key Parts Of The Supreme Court’s Verdict That Decriminalised Section 377 appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

For The Many Fights Yet To Be Won: Let Us Celebrate With Caution

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As I sit down to write this, portions Section 377 – the draconian colonial-era law that criminalised same-sex relationships – have just been repealed. There are widespread celebrations on my Facebook feed, from queer people who are jubilant at this victory and also by liberals, progressives and leftists of various stripes. There is indeed much to be celebrated. Any judgement that reduces the carceral power of the State is something to be happy about. But at the same time, I can’t help but feel cautious. For one, legislation alone is not enough to prevent violence from being meted out to queer people. It’s not like a queerphobe will think, “Oops, gay sex is now legal so I must stop hating on the gays.” In a country where lynching has become almost a weekly spectacle, things are hardly as simple.

As a queer person myself, I’ve been ruminating over what the repealing of this law means in practical terms. It’s not going to make it any easier to be visibly trans. It’s not going to affect the number of trans people who are rendered homeless because they are disowned by their families. It’s not going to affect the psychiatric gatekeeping many trans people are subjected to. It’s not going to make the lives of queer sex workers any easier. There is no mechanism in our country to keep track of the violence meted out to queer people who are poor and live on the margins. There are some who are celebrating that they are no longer going to be seen as “criminals” in the eyes of the state but should we, as queers, set the state’s recognition and approval as our political horizon?

Personally, I have nothing but disdain for the State and its values. I see it has homogenising differences, as offering “freedom” but only when that freedom is defined according to the State’s own terms and conditions. Gender and sexuality are those biopolitical pillars of our heteronormative society which need to be regulated and made to conform to a certain model so as to make sure that the same society, with its laws, mores and customs, is eternally reproduced – such a society may be heterogeneous in terms of content (gay marriage instead of straight marriage) but it retains the exact same form (the legitimacy of marriage itself is not questioned).

Thus, it is not surprising today to see right-wing hacks whose political masters were only yesterday denouncing homosexuality as “unnatural” and a “mental illness” suddenly championing this judgement as something that has been secured by the present government. Anybody with common sense would see through this bullshit façade but one shouldn’t underestimate the assimilating power of the state and capital which helps produce specimen like Milo Yiannopoulos. If you think that Milo is an exception and there aren’t queers who are sympathetic to fascism, think again. Take the case of Ashok Row Kavi, one of India’s oldest gay rights activist who also happens to be an ardent supporter of Modi and also harbours Islamophobic views.

Undoubtedly, there are many upper class and upper caste LGBT people who would like to have the politics of queerness separated from their identity. These would be the same people who look down upon sex workers, who do not want to associate themselves with Hijras, who want society’s acceptance on heteronormative terms, who want to prove that they are just as “normal” as the average cisgender heterosexual person and not weird like those really bad queers who are castigated to live on society’s margins.

Today’s victory does not belong to these people. Today’s victory belongs to activists who have agitated for years sacrificing their blood, sweat and grit. Today’s victory belongs to all those people whose already precarious existence was made much more difficult by the existence of this law – queer people living outside of cities and trans sex workers. Today’s victory also belongs to those who made alternatives modes of living possible for poor and homeless trans people who had been rejected by the state and the society.

So let us celebrate but at the same time, let us also make a sober assessment and take stock of the situation. Let us not take this victory for granted – let us not see it as something granted to us by the State’s “benevolence” but remember the long and hard fight that went into achieving it. And let us also realise that the fight is far from over for many, many queer people in the country who still need to have their voices heard. Let our political horizons not be limited to only seeking the rights of the most privileged among us. So let us celebrate while remembering that our political horizon must be queer liberation and not rainbow capitalism.

The post For The Many Fights Yet To Be Won: Let Us Celebrate With Caution appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.


#LiteracyDay जिन झुग्गियों को उजाड़ दिया जाता है वहां के बच्चे कैसे पढ़ते हैं

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“उस दिन बहुत बारिश हुई थी सुबह, हम स्कूल नहीं जाना चाहते थे, ज़बरदस्ती भेजे गये। जाते-जाते अपने घर को अच्छे से नहीं देख पाए थे, जब वापस आए तो घर जैसा कुछ नहीं बचा था वहाँ पर। सब कुछ टूट गया था, माँ वहां पर बैठकर रो रही थी। मेरे सारे किताब वहीं दब गये, मेरा नया वाला स्कूल ड्रेस भी वहीं दब गया।”

ये कहते हुए उसकी आवाज़ भर आयी थी और शायद डीडीए के कार्यालय के बाहर खड़े क़रीब 200 से भी अधिक लोगों की आँखें भी जब 10 साल की बच्ची हिमानी (नाम परिवर्तित) ने गुलशन चौक, दिल्ली में हुए घरों के विध्वंश की घटना सुनायी। 5 जुलाई 2017 को भारी बरसात के समय दिल्ली विकास प्राधिकरण द्वारा क़रीब 150 से 200 घरों को ढाह दिया गया था, जिसका सबसे अधिक प्रभाव वहां के बच्चों पर पड़ा। जुलाई के पहले ही सप्ताह में उनके स्कूल शुरू हुए थे और उसी समय उनके घर तोड़ दिए गये। करीब दो महीनों तक पूरे परिवार समेत वो उसी मलबे के किनारे पन्नी डाल कर रहने को विवश रहे, फिर क्या बरसात और क्या तेज़ धूप। जो बैग में किताबें बच गयी बस वही साथ रहीं, बाकी सब ज़मींदोज़।

Slum Kids Going To School
फोटो- Yuva India

इस सब में यह प्रश्न उठता है कि घर के बनने से लेकर उसके ज़मींदोज़ होने तक में इन बच्चों का अपराध क्या था? जो अभी तक घर के अस्तित्व को नहीं समझ पाए थे उनके कंधे पर घर के चले जाने का भाव क्यों डाला गया? घर किसी भी तरह से टूटे उसके सबसे बड़े पीड़ित तो बच्चे ही होते हैं। क्योंकि वो इस समाज का सबसे बड़ा आश्रित वर्ग है और जो आश्रित नहीं उनमें से अधिकांश शोषित वर्ग है।

हाउसिंग एंड लैंड राइट्स नेटवर्क (एचएलआरएन) के इविक्शन रिपोर्ट 2017 के मुताबिक देश के अलग अलग हिस्सों में उजाड़ीकरण के दौरान विगत वर्ष करीब ढाई लाख घर तोड़े गये। और ये संख्या सिर्फ उस संस्था द्वारा रिकॉर्ड किए गये हैं, असली संख्या उससे भी अधिक हो सकती है। इसी तरह यूथ फॉर यूनिटी एंड वॉलंट्री ऐक्शन (युवा) के इविक्शन रिपोर्ट 2016 में यह बात स्पष्ट रूप से रखी गयी थी कि ज़बरन बेदखली के दौरान अनेक मानवाधिकारों का उल्लंघन होता है जिसमें सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है जीवन जीने के अधिकार का उल्लंघन।

शिक्षा व जीवन के अधिकार का उल्लंघन

मानवाधिकारों के सार्वभौम घोषणापत्र (UDHR) के अनुच्छेद 25 में यह बात स्पष्ट रूप से कही गयी है कि प्रत्येक व्यक्ति को ऐसा जीवनस्तर प्राप्त करने का अधिकार है जो उसके व उसके परिवार के स्वास्थ्य एवं कल्याण के लिए पर्याप्त हो और इसमें आवास तथा सामाजिक सेवाएं महत्वपूर्ण हैं। वहीं इसी घोषणापत्र का अनुच्छेद 26 शिक्षा के अधिकार की बात करता है। इसी तरह से भारत का संविधान भी अनुच्छेद 21 में जीवन के अधिकार की बात करता है और इसके अंतर्गत महत्वपूर्ण है अनुच्छेद 21-अ जिसमें शिक्षा के अधिकार का ज़िक्र है।

इतने सारे आधिकारिक संरक्षण होने के बावजूद जब बस्तियों में घर तोड़े जाते हैं, तो उस समय शिक्षा के प्रश्न पर अधिकारी ध्यान देते ही नहीं हैं। घरों के अवैध होने से कई बड़ा और महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दा है बच्चों के शिक्षा के अधिकार की रक्षा करना। किसी भी परियोजना अथवा अतिक्रमण हटाने के दौरान इन प्रश्नों को सोचा ही नहीं जाता। नवी मुंबई के बालतू बाई नगर में जब बस्ती तोड़ी गयी तो वह बरसात का समय था। एक सरकारी आदेश के अनुसार महाराष्ट्र के किसी भी शहर में जून 1 से सितम्बर 30 तक घरों को नहीं तोड़ जा सकता। खैर, यह उल्लंघन एक मात्र उल्लंघन नहीं है। बस्ती के लोगों के अनुसार लोगों को अपने घर से सामान निकालने का समय ही नहीं दिया गया जिसके कारण बच्चों की किताबें और स्कूल ड्रेस वहीं दब गयी। करीब 2 महीने से भी अधिक समय तक पूरा परिवार एक पुल के नीचे रहा। इस दौरान बच्चे स्कूल नहीं गएं। कई बच्चों को वहीं पर पढ़ाई छोड़नी पड़ी।

Navi Mumbai Slum Demolished
फोटो- नवी मुंबई, आभार- अंकित झा

इससे भी अधिक भयावह घटना हुई गुवाहाटी के नज़दीक आमशांग अभयारण्य में बसे बस्तियों के उजाड़ीकरण के दौरान। 27 नवम्बर को हुए उजाड़ीकरण के दौरान करीब 700 घरों के साथ-साथ ‘नामघर’ में स्थित सरकारी स्कूल को भी ढ़ाह दिया गया। यह सब कुछ उस समय हुआ जब सरकारी स्कूलो में बच्चों की परीक्षाएं चल रही थी। ऐसे समय में हुए तोड़-फोड़ के कारण कई बच्चे परीक्षा देने नहीं गये। नबज्योति नगर तथा कांकननगर में तो बच्चों के साथ हिंसा की भी खबर आयी जिसमें बच्चों पर रबड़ बुलेट दागे गए। दो दिनों तक चले इस पूरे ड्राइव में करीब 700 घर उजाड़े गये और इसका सीधा असर बच्चों की शिक्षा और उनके जीवन पर पड़ा।

इस प्रभाव को समझने हेतु यह समझना आवश्यक है कि हाशिये पर धकेले गए लोगों के अंदर अधिकार के संरक्षण की भावना का होना महत्वपूर्ण क्यों है? शहर में बढ़ते ‘जगह की राजनीति’ में बच्चों के अधिकार की मांग रखने वाले बहुत कम लोग हैं। इसका एक कारण तो यह है कि बच्चों को हमेशा आश्रित समझा गया है और दूसरा बचपना हमारे यहां नासमझी का पर्याय है। परंतु ऐसा नहीं है। बचपना एक खास सोच है जो एक खास अनुभव और अनुभूति से निकलता है। एक खास उम्र में एक व्यक्ति जो सोच रखता है उसे नासमझी तो नहीं कहा जा सकता। इसीलिए शहर के अधिकार की जब बात की जाए तो उस समय बच्चों के अनुसार उनके अधिकार की परिकल्पना में उनके जीवन जीने का अधिकार और उनके शिक्षा का अधिकार के संरक्षण पर विशेष ध्यान दिया जाना आवश्यक है।

पुनर्स्थापन परंतु पुनर्वास नहीं

विभिन्न आवासीय योजनाओं के अंतर्गत अथवा किसी परियोजना के अंतर्गत हुए बस्तियों का पुनर्स्थापन किसी आवासीय तथा सामाजिक आपदा से कम साबित नहीं हुआ है। सामाजिक परिक्षेत्र में यह बात वर्षों से चल रही है कि अपने वर्तमान आवास से दसियों किलोमीटर दूर हुए पुनर्स्थापन बस्तियों के लिए अन्य समस्याएं पैदा करता है। जिसमें सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है जीविका, शिक्षा और स्वास्थ्य। वस्तुतः यह देखा गया है और सामाजिक संस्थाओं द्वारा समय-समय पर शोध द्वारा सामने भी लाया गया है कि पुनर्स्थापित कॉलनियां (आर एंड आर कॉलोनी) में किस तरह बुनियादी सुविधाओं का अभाव है।

उदाहरण के लिए दिल्ली के तीन कोनों में स्थित बड़े-बड़े आर एंड आर कॉलोनी जैसे बवाना, बपरौला और सावदा घेवदा। वर्षों बाद भी इन जगहों पर वो सुविधाएं पूर्ण रूप से नहीं पहुंच पाईं जो यहां पर पुनर्स्थापित किए हुए लोगों के पास पहले से थी। इंदौर, चेन्नई तथा मुंबई में तो स्थिति और भी भयावह है। विभिन्न केंद्रीय आवासीय परियोजनाओं के अंतर्गत हुए बस्ती पुनर्स्थापन के कारण बच्चों को अपनी पढ़ाई छोड़नी पड़ी।

पहला कारण तो यह कि साल के बीच में हुए उजाड़ीकरण के कारण उनका स्कूल नयी जगह से दूर हो गया जहां रोज़ जाने के लिए पैसे नहीं जुड़ पा रहे थे और साल के बीच में नए स्कूल में प्रवेश मिलना मुश्किल था, दूसरा बड़ा कारण ये कि पुनर्स्थान स्थल शहर से थोड़ी दूरी पर था जिसके आस-पास अच्छे स्कूल नहीं थे और जो थे भी वहां प्रवेश लेकर पढ़ाई कर पाना बहुत महंगा था, तीसरा महत्वपूर्ण कारण ये कि कार्यस्थल से निवासस्थल दूर होने के कारण काम तक जाने का खर्च बढ़ गया, मतलब परिवार की आमदनी का एक बड़ा हिस्सा अब यातायात पर खर्च होने लगा और काम भी कम हो गया। इसलिए अधिकांश बच्चों को पढ़ाई छोड़कर परिवार के खर्च के लिए काम करना शुरू करना पड़ा।

इन सब में जो एक कारण बहुत महतपूर्ण है वो यह है कि हर बच्चे का अपने क्षेत्र और घर से एक लगाव होता है, जो कि पुनर्स्थापन के बाद फिर से काबिज़ कर पाने में समय लगता है। उदाहरण के लिए यदि देखें तो इंदौर के सी पी शेखर नगर को जेएनएनयूआरएम के अंतर्गत शहर के मध्य से उजाड़कर करीब 14 किलोमीटर दूर बड़ा बांगर्दा में पुनर्स्थापित किया गया। यहां के लोग मुख्यतः वेस्टरीसाइक्लर के रूप में कूड़ा उठाने का काम करते थे। शहर के मध्य में इनकी बस्ती होने के कारण शहर के किसी भी कोने में पहुंचना इनके लिए ना सिर्फ आसान था बल्कि किफायती भी। बच्चे सुबह स्कूल जाते और फिर शाम को परिवार का काम में हाथ बंटाते।

फोटो- बलजीत नगर दिल्ली, क्रेडिट- अंकित झा

परंतु पुनर्स्थापन के बाद से जीविका का एक महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न तो उठा ही, शिक्षा का प्रश्न भी सामने आ गया। अधिकांश बच्चों को जो सातवीं, आठवीं में आ गये थे पढ़ाई छोड़कर काम करना शुरू करना पड़ा। बड़ा बांगर्दा में प्राथमिक शाला के नाम पर छोटा सा कमरा है जहां पर 5 क्लास एक साथ लगती है। उसके ऊपर वाले क्लास के लिए कुछ 4 किलोमीटर दूर गांधीनगर में एकमात्र सरकारी स्कूल है। आवासीय योजनाओं के अंतर्गत हुए विस्थापन में सिर्फ घर का पता ही नहीं बदलता, बहुत कुछ बदल जाता है, जिसमें सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है ज़िंदगी जीने का तरीक़ा। सब कुछ ठीक चल रहा होता है, एक दिन अचानक नोटिस, बुलडोज़र और सब कुछ बदल जाता है। वो बचपन जो अभी अभी संभलना सीख रहा था, उसे समंजन सीखना पड़ता है। यह सिर्फ पुनर्स्थापन होता है पुनर्वास बिलकुल नहीं।

आवास का अधिकार अर्थात बचपन का अधिकार

दिल्ली के कठपुतली कॉलोनी से लेकर मुंबई के गरीब नगर, भुवनेश्वर के मां तारिनी बस्ती और इंदौर के भूरि टेकरी तक। हर जगह जो एक बात सबसे अधिक पीड़ादायक रही वो ये कि हर बात से बेख़बर बचपन को सबसे अधिक पीड़ा सहनी पड़ी। नवम्बर महीने में दिल्ली की सर्द रातों में सड़कों पर खुले में सोए बच्चे आवास के अधिकार और अनाधिकृत आवास के बारे में क्या ही जानते होंगे। उन्हें अपने स्कूल में बिस्तर डाल सैकड़ों लोगों के बारे में क्या पता होगा? उन्हें अपने स्कूल ना जा पाने के बारे में क्या पता होगा और अब उस 10 बाई 10 के कमरे वाले ट्रांजिट कैम्प में उनके अंदर पनपती शिक्षा को कैसे ज़िंदा रख पाते होंगे?

बच्चों के लिए उनका घर क्या मायने रखता है वो एक बच्चे से बेहतर और कोई नहीं बता सकता। उनके लिए ज़मीन पर दौड़ लगाने से अच्छा और क्या होता है ये उनसे अच्छा कोई नहीं जानता। एक स्वस्थ बचपन एक स्वस्थ आवास में पनपता है और यहां स्वस्थ से आशय स्वच्छ से कतई नहीं है। यहां स्वस्थ आवास का मतलब है भयमुक्त आवास। जहां दीवार के बाहर ‘D’ या ‘नोटिस’ ना लगा हो, जहां तोड़-फोड़ के खिलाफ लड़ने की तैयारियां नहीं चल रही हो। बच्चे स्कूल जाएं, वापस आकर खेलें, पढ़ाई करें और जीवन के वो फैसले ले सकें जिनमें उन्हें खुशी मिलती हो, यही तो बचपन का अधिकार है। जो हर बार आवास के अधिकार के छीने जाने से दोगुणी रफ्तार से छिनता है।

जो कभी घर था | क्रेडिट- अंकित झा

इस सब में नरिवादी विमर्श को लाना भी आवश्यक है। यदि घर में आमदनी कम होने के कारण बच्चों को स्कूल छोड़ना पड़ता है तो उसमें सबसे पहले एक लड़की से यह अपेक्षित है। यदि काम पर जाने की बात है तो माता-पिता के साथ बेटा बाहर काम पर जाएगा और बेटी घर का खयाल रखेगी। तोड़-फोड़ के बाद होने वाले त्रासदियों में सबसे पीड़ादायक है एक बच्ची का खुले में जीवनयापन करना।

बस्ती का टूटना सिर्फ शहर की सफाई, आवासीय योजना का पूरा होना या परियोजना के लिए ज़मीन खाली करवाना मात्र नहीं है, यह एक आपदा है जिसमें कई घटनाएं एक साथ होती हैं, अलग-अलग प्रभाव के साथ। घर का छीन लिया जाना सिर्फ एक क्रिया नहीं है, यह अपने आप में एक पूरा वाक्य है जिसके शुरुआत से लेकर अंत तक अधिकारों का उल्लंघन लिखा हुआ है। बचपन पर प्रभाव सिर्फ स्कूल का छिन जाना नहीं है, यह एक पूरे जीवन के नींव का डलना है जिसके अनुसार अब पूरा जीवन कटेगा। या तो इस चक्र से बचपन बाहर निकलेगा या फिर इसी चक्र में बचपन किसी अनाधिकृत बस्ती की तरह बार-बार तोड़ा जाएगा, पुनर्स्थापित के नाम पर कोने में धकेल दिया जाएगा और फिर सब कुछ गुमनामी में घटता रहेगा- बचपन के सपने, बच्चों की शिक्षा और देश का उपेक्षित भविष्य।

The post #LiteracyDay जिन झुग्गियों को उजाड़ दिया जाता है वहां के बच्चे कैसे पढ़ते हैं appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

What’s Behind Kerala’s Sudden Love For The Fisher Community?

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The mainstream narratives in connection with the recent Kerala deluge can be summarized in one of the ‘viral’ social media messages that had been circulating in the length and breadth of Kerala:

Kerala has encapsulated its self-acclaimed secular fabric through its cultural ritualistic practices like Onam, in which the death (and return) of the Dravida-avarna king Maveli was celebrated (and for some, it was the birth of the Brahman-Savarna avathar, Vamana). It was particularly through these cultural affirmations that the diverse religious communities of Kerala have constituted themselves as an ‘imagined community’ of Malayalis. It is again the annual festive time for Onam in Kerala. However unlike past times, this Onam had actually aroused the spirit of Malayaliness, and not just in rhetoric. It was mainly the deluge that hit Kerala that allowed the community not just to imagine, but to live as a coherent group. The unprecedented havoc for the present generation cut across all regional and religious barriers. It was the spirit and brave effort all Malayalis which allowed the state to negotiate with the nadir point of its history.

However dwelling into the nuances of the event, one might perceive a slightly more diverse and complicated panorama. It is for certain that in the aftermath of deluge, there will be discourses that ascertain the differential treatments served for the survivors, both on a religious and party basis. Similarly one needs to highlight the silence of the mainstream narratives on the effect of floods on the life and livelihood a fairly large number of migrant workers (especially the Bengalis) in Kerala. There also seems the need of bringing out the mentalities of Keralites in responding to the crisis. Though major parts of Kerala were hit, there were places which were completely untouched; normal Malayali life continued, from celebrating marriages, to Baptisms, to drinking parties, to club meetings. Now when it comes to places which were severely hit , there were complaints of fund appropriations to Thrissur Bar associations not giving out their hall for rescue operations. The mentalities of the rescue supporters is diverse, from Jaisal (the fisherman who touched the hearts of millions) to Rahul Cheru Palayattu (now infamous for his insensitive comments).

But if there is one monolithic narrative that we can build up, it is none other than the brave efforts of the fisherman of Kerala in the rescue operations.

Indian Fetishism For Hero Worship

It is beyond a tinge of doubt that the unflinching determination that poured out of the fisher community allowed Kerala to get back on its feet. Apart from religio-community distinctions, most of them belonged to the ‘lower’ sections of society, in terms of both money and power assertions (and until last month, socially inferior too in the minds of the rest of the Kerala population).

Society must be conscious of the need to pay homage to that community. But for many of us who are students of social sciences, it is our primary duty to analyse the meta-narrative in these discourses. One can argue that the elevation of the fisher community to the status of superheroes is nothing but a reflection of the Indian fetishism for hero worship. We, who still hold faith in the ‘great men’ of our history, keep on banking on ‘great’ individuals to rise above their circumstances to act as godly saviours. The identification of Modi and the ‘Gujarat model’ of development as the future of India is one such example.

For representation only. Source: Pixabay.

Hero worship prevents us from seeing many nuanced, underlying facts, which leads to the construction of a reality of our own, in which collective amnesia is a prerequisite. In the present main stream narratives on floods, there is the construction of the ‘other’ for the fisherman community (as if they came from Mars to help the people of Earth). It is clear that they were just helping out their own people, out of their own sense of humanity. However we the people of the mainland reciprocated their efforts by offering them 3000 a day (politely declined by the fisher folk).

This ‘other’ is now engulfed in a new role of being a ‘hero’ or ‘saviour’; not only for the present, but also for a similar crisis, should it come up. The mentality that emerged was that they are after all fishers, and they are supposed to take action during a water-borne crisis. If normalised over a period of time, it may become obligatory on the part of the fisher community to act on a bigger scale on future crisis, something similar to the caste obligations of the pre-modern (but also present) days.

However the most dangerous outcome of the above mentioned visualisation is that it diminishes the urge for the establishment of a rapid rescue team in Kerala, which ought to be structured on modern professional training. This attitude again points out to the perception of this natural calamity as an accident. However in reality it should have been seen as the outcome of the particular development employed by the Kerala state, especially post-Independence. The inadequacies and the inefficiencies of the development agenda of  Kerala was comfortably diminished for the creation of the teleological time for the State.

An Opportunity For Introspection

At this juncture of time we need to introspect on the discipline of social sciences in India, in general, and Kerala in particular. The above mentioned societal mentalities are connected to the very discipline of social science itself. Firstly, social science as discipline is

neglected. Discourses which are supposed to arouse sensitivity and uplift all sections of people to constitute an enlightened humanity are always given only a concubine status in India. Recently, with the triumph of many Malayalis in civil service examinations, the popularity for social science subjects has increased. However the scope of dealing with the subject was limited to competitive exams. But what the times demand is the enlargement of social sciences to engage in a crisis period with a touch of humanity.

Secondly, we need to highlight the epistemological limitation of the discipline of History itself. The present historiographical traditions are largely li

mited to political (or, at the maximum, cultural) narratives. History, rather than being a means to an end, is merely limiting to being an end in itself. By analysing our past, the primary duty of History as a discipline is to maximise our control of the present, and thorough it, of the future too. However History, in that sense, couldn’t arouse a historical consciousness about environmental degradation in general and ‘the Kerala flood of 1099’ (1099 in Malayalam era is the 1924 Common Era) in particular. Had our historical knowledge allowed us to be conscious of the limits of environmental exploitation, Kerala would never have rejected the Madhav Gadgil report, or had it been able to arouse a collective memory of ‘the Kerala flood of 99’, rescue operations would have been much easy.

In short, what the times demand from the social science discipline is to shift away from its conventional, or traditional, outlook (fixating on political chronology or wars or personalities) to a much more historical sociology, with due emphasis on environmental history.

Hence let us give birth to a hero out of this Kerala deluge, which is none other than the discipline of social science itself. But to be specific, it shouldn’t be the one which was buried centuries ago but the one which is always evolving to cater to the present day needs of our society. Again it is through this social science discipline that we can pay our real homage to the fisher communities of Kerala. The history of Kerala is, by and large, dominated by the story of the mid-lands and the plains. Correspondingly, the story of the adivasis of the hill tracts and the fisher folk of oceanic regions have been missed out. Let the story of these subalterns be narrated in the future social science discourses. Through that academic exercise, lets us transcend the dichotomy of ‘self’ and ‘other’.

The post What’s Behind Kerala’s Sudden Love For The Fisher Community? appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Man Allegedly Abducts Wife, Threatens In-Laws With Revenge Porn For Reporting The Case

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The prime accused in the missing woman’s case threatened victim’s family with ‘revenge porn’ of their younger daughter in an attempt to force them to withdraw the case, on September 6, in Rohtak.

On Thursday morning, Rajeev Singh Malik (31) alias Raju, who allegedly abducted his wife Suraksha( 30) and is presently absconding, couriered an audiotape to his in-laws. In the audiotape, Malik threatened to leak obscene pictures of their younger daughter on multiple pornography websites, if the family doesn’t withdraw the case by September 10. He also threatened to share those pictures with their mutual relatives.

“He was abusing my sister. She wanted to seek the divorce, but he threatened to kill her newly-born baby. On July 15 we tried to convince her to come home, but she refused as she was scared. And, when on July 19 we called again he told us that our sister had left for home on 15th. My father lodged an FIR, and he was taken into custody. But later he somehow absconded. And now he’s threatening us with such ‘vulgar’ consequences,” said Suraksha’s younger sister.

The accused Rajeev Singh Malik (31) alias Raju was taken into custody for interrogation by Sonipat Police on July 21 in connection with the alleged ‘abduction’ of his wife. However, he went absconding on July 22 and hasn’t been traced since then. The police have chargesheeted Malik under Section 365 of the Indian Penal Code (kidnapping with intent secretly and wrongfully to confine a person) and the search to trace both Malik and Suraksha is still on.

“On July 15 Rajeev and Suraksha had a fight, and the lady went missing after that. And then he absconded on July 22. After the initial investigation, the case came to Special Investigation Team. We have filed a case against him under Section 365 of the IPC,” said investigating CIA officer Indervir.

According to police, Rajeev is a history chargesheeter and was apprehended by police in 2014 for allegedly hacking into Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) website. He was also accused of running a fraudulent placement company.

“He’s a seasoned criminal that’s why it’s taking some time to trace him. But, we are working to nab him at the earliest,” added inspector Indervir.

Four years ago, Rajeev and Suraksha met on an online matrimonial website and subsequently got hitched. But, the wedding was called off when Rajeev was arrested in 2014. However, soon after his release, Rajeev managed to convince Suraksha to flee with him and get married.

The post Man Allegedly Abducts Wife, Threatens In-Laws With Revenge Porn For Reporting The Case appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

HNLU Protests Enter Third Week As College Shows No Intention Of Resolving Issues

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Hidayatullah National Law University, Chhattisgarh, has been witnessing student protests for the last two weeks. Students announced protest on August 27 against the now ex-Chancellor Sukh Pal Singh’s term extension, among various other administrative issues faced by students on a daily basis. Here’s a video by HNLU students explaining why they’re protesting.

Toshan Chandrakar, a student of HNLU, told Youth Ki Awaaz, “As I understand the situation that exists today, a university like HNLU which was established to be at par with IITs and IIMs has till date failed to deliver. The absence of schools of excellence is the primary reason for this. The administration has failed. So long this system prevails, nothing is going to happen. It’s time that we claim the universities. The universities are for the students, and we people should get representation in its decision making.”

As reported by India today, on August 27, the Chhattisgarh High Court ruled that the extension of the tenure of the university’s Vice-Chancellor Sukh Pal was illegal. The HNLU Student Body Association found out that Pal was planning to appeal against the order. Opposing the appeal, the student body protested and demanded Pal’s immediate removal from his post. They assembled outside the Vice-Chancellor’s office for three days. Finally, the administration and state government gave in and decided to appoint Ravi Shankar Sharma as the interim Vice-Chancellor.

The protest covers many demands, and the appointment of an interim vice-chancellor was one of them. Here is a list of the main demands by the Student body:

Harassment Faced By Female Students

The wardens of the hostel have allegedly harassed women students. The faculty members are appointed as wardens which makes space for biases, and the slightest of misdemeanor or non-conformity to rules in the hostel is reflected in the classroom interactions. Students have specifically pointed out the behaviour of the women’s hostel warden, Dr Balwinder Kaur. The warden, meanwhile, had stated that owing to allegations raised by the female students, she has resigned from her post and is waiting for administration’s approval.

Students have also complained about being policed for their dressing sense and conduct, as reported by Live Law.

Sexual Harassment By Faculty Members

Students in HNLU have also addressed, in the protests, the inaction of the administration and the ex-Vice Chancellor on complaints filed by students against faculty members.

“In July, a female student complained of sexual harassment. She alleged that a faculty member sexually harassed her. However, Mr Singh brushed the incident aside and didn’t look into such a serious matter”, Swati Bhargava, Vice-President of the student body, told Youth Ki Awaaz recounting the incident.

Students across the country expect the college to provide a safe environment for female students. Brushing aside such complaints only reflects on how these educational institutions treat victims of sexual harassment.

Mismanagement Of Funds

Students have also raised the problem of corruption among the administrative staff. The Chhattisgarh government funds HNLU. The students regularly go outside the city for academic conferences and moot courts and are eligible for reimbursement as per the university guidelines. However, there have been multiple cases of non-payment of compensations.

“When we approached the administration regarding the payments, we were told that the state government did not release funds. However, upon talking to the required authorities at the state level, we were informed that the funds were released long ago. The amount was around Rs. 60 lakhs. We have no idea what happened to that amount,” said Swati Bhargav.

The HNLU administration told the students that they would cover the cost of international conferences only. Students regularly attend national and international meets; the cost of such academic conferences is often very high. Not every student attending the university can afford to pay for them out of their pockets.

Representation In Decision Making Bodies

Point no. 8 in the charter of demands issued by the HNLU students states, “It is requested that the students are entitled to and hence should be allowed representation in the Academic and Executive Council through the SBA. Hence, the provisions of the HNLU Act, under section 15(3), shall be amended in the light of Provision 7 of UGC Entitlement guidelines and such meetings be convened during semester breaks.”

Curfew Timings

Another major demand of the students is the relaxation of curfew timings that is 10:30 pm for both boys and girls; they are also demanding a library that is open 24 hours. Students state that due to demands of the course, they often require access to the library at odd hours. Students have cited the occurrence of instances wherein working on a group project becomes extremely problematic due to the library and hostel timings.

They have also cited instances where group work was, because of the curfew timings, conducted through conference calls. Point of the demand charter addresses the same.

Call For National Integration Of All National Law Universities (NLUs)

Another important demand is the national integration of all NLUs under one governing body. There is a committee that is formed before the entrance exam. However, it is dissolved every year. In practice, NLUs function under the state government, which results in the inconsistent decision making across the country. The protest calls for setting up of a committee under which all NLUs will collectively function.

Taken Social Media by the Storm

There has also been a massive uproar on social media, where people have shown support for the protest. Politicians, to lawyers, to students, all have shown support and promised solidarity with the students of HNLU and the war they’re waging against the administration. Students are using the hashtag #HNLUKiAzaadi to voice their dissent and call for support from all platforms on social media.

Shashi Tharoor took to Twitter questioning the authorities’ steps to resolve this.

Kavita Krishnan, Secretary of All India Progressive Women’s Association, and Delhi HC lawyer Gautam Bhatia also lent his support to the students protesting at HNLU.

Avni Bansal, a SC advocate, in her tweet asserted that HNLU administration has failed to address the grievances of the students.

“HNLU Students are shaping the landscape of student protest and resistance in Chhattisgarh. Power to these students — you have my endless support and admiration”, tweeted Bhupesh Baghel who is the President of Chhattisgarh Pradesh Congress Committee.

TS Singh Deo, Leader of Opposition and Leader of Congress Legislative Party Chhattisgarh, also came out in support of the students and encouraged them to ‘keep fighting for their rights’.

National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) also supported HNLU through its statement. SavitriBai Intersectional Study Circle, NALSAR showed its support issuing a statement in solidarity, too.

Gurmehar Kaur, who is a peace activist also extended support through a tweet.

Prakash Kumar, a student of HNLU, in a long thread on Twitter, voiced his concerns, too. “#HNLU protest for #HNLUkiazaadi and #makehnlugreatagain enters the 6th day with the students still comtinuing with their peaceful protest against gender discriminatory, opaque and freedom-curbing rules of the university. Students are well within their fundamental rights but the pains suffered by them during this five days with untimely food, water, shelter in rain and sun is certainly an example of the violation of their fundamental right. Still, no clear written assurance has been given by the authorities regarding the demands listed. The only assurance given by them is that a peaceful protest is our democratic right and we can continue with that and in formal or informal meetings, these types of persons say that they are our parents and guardians. Despite being covered by almost all leading newspapers, legal sites, statements of solidarity from other law universities and student unions and coverage on some news channels, the authorities are, in simple words, not concerned at all regarding students. This is a clear example of harassment of our patience and inciting us to resort to violent methods but they have clearly forgotten the power of students from their own students life to the history. We will ensure that our protest goes in the right direction and the genuine demands are fulfilled. Leaving hope from the ruling party in state as well as centre, I tag here the people from the opposition with a hope that DISSENT will not get away from democracy. @INCIndia @RahulGandhi @IYC @ShashiTharoor @HNLUSBA @PinjraTodHnlu . Feeling hopeful with 900 others.”

Most of the above demands are reasonable and are important for the working of any functional university space. It is important to note that the administration of a top-ranking law university has systematically ignored these basic demands.

The students are in their second week of protest and are refusing to back down. The students have hope in the new interim Vice-Chancellor; however, he has made only verbal promises, and there is no guarantee that these demands will be fulfilled.

Encouragingly, students have gotten their first demand fulfilled: the library and curfew timings have been extended till 3 am.

Students of other National Law Universities- NALSAR, NLSIU, NUJS, NLUD, NLUJ and NLIU- have published a statement showing solidarity with HNLU and vouching for support for the courageous step taken by the student fraternity. While the best national universities have shown support, it’s time for even private universities to come out in support of HNLU, condemning the arbitrariness prevalent in almost all law schools across the country.

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With inputs from Campus Watch Editor – Simran Pavecha.

The post HNLU Protests Enter Third Week As College Shows No Intention Of Resolving Issues appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

Meet LGBTQ Activist Aditya Raja Who’s On A Mission To Fight Prejudice In Colleges

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Being born and raised in a society with certain norms and prejudices often places certain restrictions and barriers on the way we think. When faced with the truth, it is up to us to step out of our comfort zones and accept reality for what it is. In this process, one may be challenged by the prejudiced sections of society, who refuse to accept any point of view other than their own. Opening their eyes is a difficult task which requires continuous and deliberate effort from humankind as a whole.

The LGBTQ community has to routinely face several obstacles that come in the way of living a dignified, normal life, where fundamental rights can be enforced. We, at Festember, NIT Trichy, interviewed Mr Aditya Raja, an LGBTQ rights activist who runs a social collective called ‘Safe Spot’, which works towards these very goals.

Through the interview, we gained an insight into the struggles faced by the LGBTQ community through glimpses into his own personal journey of growing up as a homosexual person in the Indian community. Raja, through the course of the interview, dispelled several myths surrounding this ‘taboo’ topic and inspired us to be a part of the change the world needs, to be more accepting and open to all human beings.

Festember Team: You are part of an interest group that aims to spread awareness about the LGBTQ community. Can you tell us how you discovered this group and what you do?

Aditya Raja: When I was 24 years old, I started actively participating in LGBTQ awareness and activist events. Through this work, I realized that a lot of people had strong homophobia and transphobia based on very weak and hollow fears, and prejudices that they had adopted from society and culture without questioning or challenging them. This inspired me and a friend to assemble a panel discussion called ‘Gender, Sexuality and Pride’ at an engineering college in Hyderabad. The idea was to have three to four LGBTQ Indians talk about their experiences of growing up queer in a country as homophobic and transphobic as India followed by a Q&A session with the audience. The event was very powerful.

We had a lesbian woman, a gay man and a trans woman sharing deeply personal experiences about their queerness and how they dealt with it. For many of the students, it was the first time they had met a queer person. And for most of them, it was the first time they listened to a queer person speak. Seeing the human perspective of a grossly stigmatized and taboo subject educated and challenged them. This experience motivated me to start a collective called ‘Safe Spot’. The collective aims to conduct panel discussions and events in different educational institutions and corporations where queer people talk about their experiences and views with the aim of addressing the ignorance and misinformation that is often the sole foundation of homophobia and transphobia.

FT: Have you ever looked for a sense of belonging in non-regional societies? That is, have you ever felt that people outside of India are more accommodating of different sexual orientations and preferences, and provide a more positive environment to members of the community?

AR: There is a very popular view that countries or cultures outside of India, particularly the West, are more accepting and understanding of the LGBTQ community and its issues. I believe that this is a severe over-simplification. People seem to overlook the fact that almost every country that today seems to be aware of, and accepting of LGBTQ people, has had a long, often violent history of marginalizing and mistreating them. Even countries where all the right laws have been laid in support of LGBTQ people today still have rampant and insidious homophobia and transphobia in their societies. I emphasize, as too many people seem to have an attitude of hopelessness and dejection towards the idea of India ever being a safe home for its LGBTQ citizens.

I personally have received the advice to pack my bags and move to America because it is more “tolerant of my kind” several times. This advice, coming from cisgender and heterosexual people, is lazy and irresponsible. The opportunity to move to a foreign country where one supposedly can be free to live their lives openly and honestly is a privilege available to only the rich and middle-class queer Indians. What must the millions of Indians cramped in the metaphorical closet do? India has its own journey of understanding and reconciliation with the LGBTQ community ahead of itself, and it will happen. And when it does, it will be thanks to all the people, queer and their allies, who stood their ground, spoke up and fought for human rights.

FT: A large section of the society, especially parents of individuals who come out, believe that homosexuality is not real and that it’s just an anomaly which can be dealt with through medical care. Were you faced with the same situation, and if so, how did you overcome the issue?

AR: When I came out to my mother, her first reaction was to take me to a doctor. When I assured her that my sexuality was not some sort of physical ailment, she suggested we go to a psychiatrist. It is a painful, humiliating experience when a loved one sees a fundamental aspect of you as a defect. When my mom sought guidance from her older sister, a highly educated doctor, my aunt assured my mom that it was only a “phase” and that I would definitely, 99% sure, be “normal” again.

I, thankfully, was able to stand my ground and explain to my mother how this was not something that can be treated or even something that should be treated. She is currently banking on divine intervention to “cure” me which is a relief considering the fact that an ignorant doctor is a much more real danger than a celestial entity.

There are a perilous number of therapists, counsellors, psychiatrists and doctors who are prejudiced, biased and uninformed about sexual orientation and gender identity, and are operating in our society. I see them being called to TV shows as experts to spread their ignorant views and have heard of them from friends who have been subjected to cruel and harmful “corrective treatments.” It is essential that medical communities make urgent and strong actions to educate themselves about this issue.

FT: Did you see any major changes in how your close friends and acquaintances treated you after you came out? Was there any particular instance where you were moved by the overwhelming support shown by someone close to you?

AR: The only people I have explicitly come out to are my immediate family. My mom did not take it too well and is still in denial about it. My sister met my coming out with disbelief and eventual tolerance that sometimes seems like silent acceptance. Most people would consider my experiences lucky.

One day, a photo of me standing with five other people at a queer pride march was published in a newspaper article, written about a gay man who had recently committed suicide due to his personal struggles. Two of my colleagues spotted my picture and came around to my desk and brought it to my attention. They could hardly suppress their giggles while they asked me if I were gay. Soon, a small crowd gathered around me while this outrageous news was being disseminated.

Imagine being able to dehumanize a section of society so thoroughly that you can use an article, headlined with the news of the suicide of a gay man, and use it to mock another gay man. I am proud to say that I was able to stand up for myself. I pointed out, as politely as I could, how malicious, insensitive and orthodox their views were. I asked them why they felt so comfortable mocking this issue. What ensued was almost an hour-long discussion about fundamental biases and prejudices. A few of them have since been more distant and reserved around me. The others have been their normal selves. Homophobia and transphobia have been systematically infused into our society. To talk about this taboo subject freely, to confront our own problematic behaviour and address it will take time.

I don’t think I have ever been “overwhelmingly moved” by someone’s show of support to me and I don’t think I ever will be. Call me ungrateful but I refuse to thank anyone for being a decent enough human being as to believe that I deserve the same rights as a straight person. Supporting LGBTQ rights is not a favour to anyone. It is humanity’s fight.

FT: A lot of people, especially women, do not realize that they might not exactly be where society wants them to be on the gender spectrum. Did you go through phases of self-doubt, confusion or hatred when you first realised that you were somehow different? If yes, how did you grow out of it?

AR: Every queer person’s experience of realizing their sexual orientation and/or gender identity is different. There are people who remember being an unambiguously queer toddler and those who realize it after they’ve had grandkids. Women, in particular, are so thoroughly discouraged from exploring and expressing their sexuality by the society that it often takes years before they discover or come to terms with that aspect of themselves.

I remember realizing that I was different when I was 5 years old. When I still didn’t have the vocabulary to qualify exactly how I was different. Other kids noticed it when I was 7 years old. I remember because they communicated their observations by bullying me. When I was 12, I heard the word ‘gay’ for the first time and realized that this little singularity in me had a name.

When I was 13, enough people had convinced me that I was not only different but a defect. At that age, I hated myself and I hated being gay. This negativity deepened and grew with me into miserable depths. At the age of 22, I finally met another queer person. It was then that I entertained the fantastic, rebellious idea that perhaps there was nothing wrong with me and that everyone else was wrong about me; that maybe, it was okay to be gay. The day that I decided I would no longer be ashamed of my sexual orientation was the day the bullying stopped. There were still bullies around but for the first time, I could see them for what they really were: scared, oblivious and ignorant. Today, when someone makes a homophobic or transphobic taunt, I try to respond with information, sympathy and an offer of discussion. I see it as a reflection of themselves, not me. It is this continuous, conscious and taxing effort that I have to make on a daily basis which has transformed me.

FT: What can we, as individuals, and collectively as a society, do to raise awareness and make the world a place where all communities can live together in respect and harmony?

AR: Educate yourself, reflect within, form opinions and stand up for them. Recognize your privilege, identify your own problematic behaviour and address it.

Personally, I have many privileges: gender, caste, class, access to education, etc. Being aware of them makes me more mindful of the ways I might be insensitive to the marginalized and of the ways I can use my privilege to fight for social equality.

This interview was taken by Vishnu Deepak in collaboration with Sandip Nair, Tejas Harirajan Radhakrishnan, Adhithya Sundar, Varshiny Arumugam and Abhinaya S.B.

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Images in the article used for representation only.
Image source: Getty Images

The post Meet LGBTQ Activist Aditya Raja Who’s On A Mission To Fight Prejudice In Colleges appeared first and originally on Youth Ki Awaaz and is a copyright of the same. Please do not republish.

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